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The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
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Christianity in the Colonial World: Use It How You See Best.
Subject
The topic of the resource
Colonial America, US, USA, Christianity, Spanish Catholics, 17th century, 18th century, Portuguese Jesuits, English Protestants, Native Americans, African Slaves, African Americans, native peoples. Empire, hegemony, relationships.
Description
An account of the resource
During the colonial period every European empire that had its hands on the continent saw itself as a Christian nation. Though denominations varied from empire to empire, the same consistent theme of seeing Christianity as a global empire was universally shared. Where they differed was the implementation and vision of this Christian empire in the Americas and subsequently the world. The French Catholic Jesuits, the Spanish Catholics, and the English Protestants all saw themselves as a part of a grand Christian empire. The manifestation of this concept however differed from nation to nation and from denomination to denomination. In fierce competition they engaged one another to establish their particular Christian hegemony. The competitions' records and legacies can unfortunately consume the stories of enslaved and native peoples. Though they themselves also adopted elements of Christianity in their own communities for a variety of purposes, and thus are relevant to this topic of history. <br /><br />From the 17th to the 18th century evidence shows that every major European empire (e.g the French, the Spanish, and the British empires) as well as the enslaved peoples they used, and the native people who encountered them and extended relationships with them, adopted elements of Christianity to establish a particular hegemony within their communities. This was not an all encompassing unifying gesture and in fact was a heated competition at times, and thus we must not leave any peoples from this narrative if we want to truly understand the dynamic role Christianity played in colonial American history. <br /><br />Of the Catholic denominations in France there exists a subset called the Society of Jesus or, as they are better known,the Jesuits. The Jesuits during the colonial period were often persecuted or pushed out of their home countries in this reality of competition between Christian denominations and empire. In the letters of Father Pierre Biard, circa 1606 -1625, we get a glimpse of the animosity different denominations in this Christian empire felt for one another. “For they carried us off, together with the Frenchmen who remained, fifteen in all, straight to their own country, Virginia, distant from the place in which we had been captured at least two hundred and fifty leagues.”[1] Once they arrived in Virginia the Puritan Governor wanted to hang them all, especially the Jesuits.[2] Despite these challenges the Jesuits in general, not just in France, played a tactful role in the development and spread of Christianity from the northern borders of Canada all the way to the coasts of Brazil. <br /><br />In Brazil, the Spanish Portuguese Jesuits built schools and libraries. It was noted that the Spanish Portuguese Jesuits made conversion of the natives their primary<em> de facto</em> motive for colonization in the first place. Shortly after 1549 the first library was built in Brazil and continued to be built and expanded until the outlawing of the Society of Jesus in 1759. In this way the Spanish Portuguese Jesuits in Brazil are accredited with starting the first public libraries and centers of knowledge in the nation.[3] The French and Spanish Portuguese Jesuit’s implemented their ideas for native peoples with the pursuit of conversion through education and thus assimilatied them into their particular culture. Other Spanish Catholics had different perspective and values abd therefore a different manifestation of what they thought they should be doing to aid the Christian empire took place. In many ways, Catholics were more pragmatic and material in their relationships with native people, it was either to exploit resources and/or exchange land ownership. Subsequently the goal of conversion and assimilation into their particular culture remained a consistent focus as well. However, in letters between Luis de Quirós and Juan Baptista de Segura we see this pragmatic view of native people relationships come to light. During the colonial period food scarcity was rampant for both European settlers and native peoples. For native peoples their ecosystem radically changed and became inhospitable to their way of life. For European settlers lack of preparedness and food shortages were due to death rates and harsh colonial environments. In this particular exchange we see Luis de Quirós plan to exploit this situation for the benefit of the Catholic Christian empire. “At this time the planting is done here, and thus many of the tribes will come here after being scattered over the region in search of food and there will be a good opportunity for the Holy Gospel.”[4] While the Jesuits made it their first priority to establish education, Spanish Catholics were more interested in seeking converts through material exchange relationships. For the Spanish Catholics converting native people into their cultural hegemony served an economic purpose. How those material exchange relationships manifested varied from region to region, exploiting converts in South America for gold, silver, or in this case food. “From the frontier came genuine democracy, rugged individualism, plasticity, mobility, tolerance, optimism, and an assertiveness and self-assurance rooted in material prosperity. To a degree that these characteristics were exemplified by Catholics, it would be most often by the denizens of the forests, the mountains, and the plains.”[5] It is this spirit of material prosperity that motivated Catholics to the regions they traveled to and because settlement is such a labor demanding task. Assimilating bodies into the Spanish Catholic economic and cultural systems was an important concept for the Spanish.<br /><br /> For the English Protestants in the colonies this world view was drastically different in execution and purpose. The original nature of the American colonies were peripheral in the eyes of the English Crown.[6] For the English religiosity was less conformed and contained and what you find is the appearance of multiple Christian groups in the colonies, e.g Quakers, Protestants, Puritans, etc.[7] This competition that manifested between these groups, produced a less uniformed approach to assimilating native peoples and slaves into particular Christian denominations. The English, like the Spanish and the French, interacted with natives and slaves and religion had a large impact on those interactions. However, views on the success of these interactions wildly depends on interpretation. The English who held slaves in the Southern colonies permitted missionaries to convert their slaves but admitted to limited success. Unlike the Spanish Catholics the English Protestants had no particular economic incentive behind conversion, instead, to them it was more of a personal desire. “...slaves were considered a gospelly unleavened lump whose heathenism one had to endure for the sake of cultivating tobacco and rice.”[8] The English had different views for Natives as their original intention of incorporating them into colonial labor forces similar to the ideas of the Spanish failed due to the spread of disease and death in those populations which strained relationships. For the English converting natives and slaves was more a personal want that had to do with personal convenience in navigating social life. John Eliot, an English Puritan minister within the colonies, wrote this in his diary on his motivations for assimilating native peoples into Christianity: “I have begun to teach them the Art of Teaching, and I find some of them very capable. And while I live, my purpose is, (by the grace of Christ assisting) to make it one of my chief cares and labours to teach them some of the Liberal Arts and Sciences, and the way how to analize, and lay out into particulars both the Works and Word of God; and how to communicate knowledge to others methodically and skilfully, and especially the method of Divinity.”[9] What John Eliot describes is a desire to assimilate native peoples into his Christian hegemony. One could argue that by extending conversion to slaves the English participated in a larger system of using Christian elements to adopt people into English culture; natives and slaves used this system to their advantage where they could. Native peoples also used Christianity in their personal lives for their own agenda and purpose. In John Eliot’s diary we’re given accounts of tribes who bordered English towns and wanted Eliot to settle with them and teach them. “The English Town called Marlborough doth border upon them, as did the lines of the Tribes of Judah and Benjamin; the English Meeting-house standeth within the line of the Indian Town, although the contiguity and co-inhabitation is not barren in producing matters of interfering; yet our godly Indians do obtain a good report of the godly English, which is an argument that bringeth light and evidence to my heart, that our Indians are really godly. I was very lately among them; they desired me to settle a stated Lecture amongst them.”[10] <br /><br />Eliot’s account, at the very least, convinces himself of the fact that natives on some level desire to know more about Christianity. That desire proved that natives were willing to adopt elements of Christianity for their personal benefit. It is worth noting that gender power dynamics of Native American society varied. A patriarchal hierarchy which one could attribute to European power structures was not congruent with native societies and as such the roles of women differed. One would assume that in the male-centric missions and the male-centered Christian world view would clash on an ideological level with native community structure and the status of women in those communities. However, this is not the case: “Christianity did not totally destroy the power that the Tlingit had traditionally had in their communities...social rank remained the most important influence in Tlingit society. Although women might bow to the authority of the church, they remained powerful figured in their communities because of family alliances. Christianity did not deprive them of power but allowed them to mediate Christian values...”. [11] In other cases natives used Christianity superstitiously in hopes that it would turn the tide of colonization and restore their world to how it originally had been. <br /><br />African slaves in the colonies also incorporated aspects of Christianity in their own lives. It was a liberating ideology that formed links and fellowships in the colonies which helped supplement the families and kinship that were broken up in the act of slavery itself. Particularly due to the history of Portuguese Catholic involvement on the west coast of Africa, the Congo and Angola regions of Africa adopted elements of Christianity prior to enslavement and transition into the Americas. For slaves, Christianity was an avenue of association that could be utilized to form links and deteriorate differences between white colonial masters and themselves. They had their children baptized, which is an important cultural marker for adherents to that particular faith as it conflicts with ideas of slavery.[12] Christians adhering to their doctrine do not make slaves of other Christians. The usage of baptism as a means to avoid slavery in the African community is another example of the usage of elements within Christianity to assimilate into a particular hegemony a group of peoples for a particular gain. <br /><br />It seems that generally all actors in colonial life were in some way touched by Christianity and while fierce competition did exist between denominations, people adapted Christian elements broadly in all of it’s forms for the purpose of establishing a particular beneficial hegemony within a group dynamic. For French Catholic Jesuits the benefits of assimilating native peoples into their Christian culture was a matter of having more bodies, and thereby strength, to avoid persecution. For Spanish Catholics assimilating native peoples into their Christian hegemony allowed them to make substantial economic gains as relationships formed and bonded. For the English Protestants conversion was usual for forming personal bonds between slaves and natives and thereby assimilating them under a particular hegemony. Native Americans adopted elements of Christianity for its perceived supernatural benefits in order to use it beneficially within their own communities. African slaves adopted elements of Christianity such as baptism as a way to avoid slavery by identifying themselves as members of the Christian hegemony and culture. <br /><br />While none of these groups agreed upon a particular consensus of what that Christian empire would be, they all incorporated elements of it for their own personal benefits in the particular established hegemony in which they were involved. Truly, if there is a single thread that binds all of these groups together during this time period it would be the adoption of elements of Christianity. Which in particular? For what reasons? The answers to these questions vary from case to case but one thing we can say for sure is people used Christianity however they thought it would benefit them or their identifying group. In broader terms one could say however they saw best. <br /><br />1 Pierre Biard . “Letter of Father Pierre Biard, 1614 Narratives of Early Virginia, 1606-1625.” Edited by Lyon Gardiner Tyler. Virtual James Town. Accessed September 27, 2016. <br />2 Pierre Biard. “Letter of Father Pierre Biard, 1614 Narratives of Early Virginia, 1606-1625.” Edited by Lyon Gardiner Tyler. Virtual James Town. Accessed September 27, 2016. 3 Mark L Grover. “The Book and the Conquest: Jesuit Libraries in Colonial Brazil.” Libraries & Culture 28<br />3 (1993): 266-283 4 Quiros, de, Luis. “The Spanish Jesuit Mission in Virgina, 1570-1572 Letter of Luis de Quiros and Juan Baptista de Segura” Translated and Edited by Clifford M. Lewis, S.J. and Albert J.Loomie, S.J., eds. The Virgina Historical Society by the University of North Carolina Press, 1953. Accessed September 27, 2016. 5 Thomas W. Spalding, “The Catholic Frontiers.” U.S. Catholic Historian 12, <br />4 (1994): 15 <br />6 Charles L Cohen, . “The Colonization of British North America as an Episode in the History of Christianity.” Church History 72, no. 3 (2003): 560<br /> 7 Charles L. Cohen,“The Colonization of British North America as an Episode in the History of Christianity.” Church History 72, no. 3 (2003): 561<br /> 8 Charles L Cohen . “The Colonization of British North America as an Episode in the History of Christianity.” Church History 72, no. 3 (2003): 562 <br />9 John Eliot. “American Historical Documents, 1000–1904.” Edited by Charles W. Eliot. The Harvard Classics. New York: P.F. Collier & Son, 1909-14. Accessed September 27, 2016. <br />10 John Eliot “American Historical Documents, 1000–1904.” Edited by Charles W. Eliot. The Harvard Classics. New York: P.F. Collier & Son, 1909-14. Accessed September 27, 2016. <br />11 Clara Sue Kidwell. “Comment: Native American Women’s Responses to Christianity.” Ethnohistory 43, no.4 (1996): 722 <br />12 Linda Heywood and John Thornton. Central African Leadership and the Appropriation of European Culture. Edited by Peter C. Mancall. The Atlantic World and Virgina, 1550-1626. Chapel Hill, North Carolina: University of North Carolina Press, 2007. 224
Creator
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Blake Cauble
Publisher
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University of Memphis
Date
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11/30/2016
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
“John Eliot’s Brief Narrative (1670)”
Description
An account of the resource
This is an exert from John Eliot’s diary while he was a Puritan missionary to American Indians.
It describes his many relationships with several different chieftains and various other Native American
groups. As well as their relationships with Christianity and acceptance towards it. It also gives a general
idea on John Eliot’s feelings for the importance of converting Native Americans.
Creator
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John Eliot
Publisher
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University of Memphis
Date
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1670
Contributor
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Edited
by Charles W. Eliot.
Subject
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Puritan missionary's diary. Colonial America.
Source
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http://www.bartleby.com/43/12html
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Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
The Influence of the Iroquois League
Subject
The topic of the resource
Iroquois, English, French, Geography, Culture, Diplomacy, Military
Description
An account of the resource
<p> During a time of devastation and hardship that was to come as the Europeans brought their ambitions of God, Gold, and Glory to the Americas, one group of Native Americans managed to overcome the obstacles and even, in some cases, benefit from their arrival. The Iroquois League originally encompassed five groups of villagers who spoke related languages and were settled in the land of Iroquoia-present-day Upstate New York. The group consisted of the Mohawks, Oneidas, Onondagas, Cayugas, and the Senecas and were later on joined by the Tuscaroras in the eighteenth century.<a title="">[1]</a> The Iroquois League took advantage of their geographic location during the time of European colonization, being in between the French and English (who took over the role of the Dutch) in the Northeast as well as cultural advantages that allowed for the Iroquois to adapt at a faster rate.<a title="">[2]</a> The Iroquois League was highly influential as well, with many letters being documented from French and English sources asking for aid militarily as well as sources attributing political thought to the League. At a time when Native groups quickly fell to the might of the European colonizers, the Six Nations was an outlier as they managed to hold the upper hand and keep the Europeans powers at bay for an unprecedented amount of time. <br /> <br /> Geographic location played an important role in allowing the Iroquois League to adapt and overcome these new ordeals brought by the colonizers. This geographical advantage that the Iroquois had made for three key factors. First, the Iroquoia’s confederacy sat atop of many of the important trade routes in the Northeast. This gave the Iroquois League an advantage by allowing them access both to European colonial markets and the sources of the peltries that the colonizers demanded.<a title="">[3]</a> Even with this key advantage, many native people dwelled along the trade routes apart from the Five Nations, and even with their better access to the colonial goods and peltries, they rapidly lost their economic and political independence. Moreover, their inland location placed the peoples of the Longhouse at a sufficient distance from centers of European expansion to allow them to adapt to changed circumstances before being assailed by epidemics and overrun by colonists, missionaries, and other interlopers.<a title="">[4]</a> Even so, Hurons of the Georgian Bay region had been destroyed by various factors such as disease, economic dependence on French traders, political and cultural controversies spawned by French missionaries, and attacks by ancient Iroquois enemies. This led to the third, and arguably the most effective, factor that the Iroquois League benefitted from. Not only was their geographic location atop trade routes and inland, it also sat in between the major European powers. From the early seventeenth century on they stood between the last two competing colonial centers: the French on the St. Lawrence and Dutch on the Hudson, who were later replaced by the English of New York. Access to alternative markets and imperial centers gave the Iroquois League maneuvering room to preserve their independence and keep Europeans at a safe distance in ways many of their neighbors could not.</p>
<p> Culturally, three connected factors allowed for Iroquoia sustenance Much like other native groups in the location, the Iroquois were horticultural villagers, thus protected from an immediate overturn of traditional methods of subsistence because of altered hunting patterns inspired by trade with the Europeans for furs did not. Like other native societies, the Iroquois dealt with depopulation in their society by acquiring captives in mourning wars. Here their geographic location gave them the political and economic advantage to be far more successful in sustenance than their neighbors. The final advantage was the Iroquois Great League of Peace and Power. It fostered the acceptance of diverse peoples of varying speech and customs while providing a rock of traditional rituals to which the peoples of the Longhouse could cling on to as they adapted to new ways of life.<a title="">[5]</a></p>
<p> The latter half of the eighteenth century saw a decline in power from the Iroquois league. Following the Seven Years war, the confederacy was fragmented.<a title="">[6]</a> It was during this time that the Iroquois began to participate in a form of shrewd diplomacy. The Iroquois League wrongly claimed that all land east of the Mississippi River belonged to them when it did not; this land belonged to the people of the Ohio Country. The Iroquoia did so because it benefitted both indigenous peoples and Europeans alike. In acting as the official negotiators, the Iroquois could reap the material and strategic benefits that came with being seen as an indispensable ally to the British, and the Crown was able to gain territory. With the conflict in Europe at an end, however, the Iroquois needed further resources in order to ensure a future for themselves. With both the Crown and the Iroquois League in need of land, both parties turned their attention to the highly coveted Ohio Country which covered tens of millions of acres. Both parties knew that with the alliance of the British and Iroquois League, wherever the Iroquois could establish their authority so, too, might the British colonial system be extended. The British believed that in doing so this would lead to an effective trade network being established that would allow for buying and selling of land, as well as its improvement.<a title="">[7]</a> Ultimately, this plan did not go as anticipated. Because the Iroquois League’s power was declining and with their authority spread so thin, they were unable to effectively rein in their Ohio “brothers” and “cousins.”<a title="">[8]</a> This was not to be the end of Iroquoia diplomatic powers however, as can be seen in the process that ultimately ended with the signing of the Treaty of Fort Stanwix in 1768. Fort Stanwix sat in the Oneida Carry and despite setbacks in its preparation, by 1768 the fort had been operational for nearly a decade. Even before its completion, the fort served as protection to more than four hundred soldiers during the winter of 1758-1759.<a title="">[9]</a> It was here, during negotiations with the Six Nations, that the British were able to secure the largest land succession in colonial North America. At this point, the main priority for the Iroquois was to gain security, but they would not do so while agreeing to terms that would harm them. In fact, it was the negotiators on behalf of the Six Nations who wielded the power to finalize the agreement. The Iroquois demanded the treaty acknowledge their land claim that extended down to the Cherokee River.<a title="">[10]</a> With the acceptance of Iroquois land claims, the Six Nations agreed to opening up the Ohio Country to settlement (ignoring the self-interested Ohio Iroquois of whom they tried to reign in previously). Apart from just security, the Iroquois League collected a king’s ransom at the treaty of Fort Stanwix and momentarily alleviated European encroachment on eastern Iroquois homelands as the Europeans focused on settling their new lands in the Ohio Country.<a title="">[11]</a></p>
<p> European colonizers needed the Iroquois League for more than just trade and diplomacy. By gaining the upper hand through trade, the Iroquois were the most powerful native group in the Northeast during this time. As European conflicts escalate outside of the North American continent, there was little attention paid to the colonies. The West Indies were identified as the Crown’s jewels in the Americas, so if problems were to erupt their attention was focused more so there than in present day America. In order to ensure their safety, the Iroquois League was needed. Governor Hunter’s letter addressing the Five Nations at the time stresses this fact. His letter explains to the Five Nations that so long as they uphold their agreement of keeping the peace amongst one another and coming to the protection of the British if needed, the King will ensure his good will and safety to them as well as being gifted a handsome reward. <a title="">[12]</a> The letter was one of reassurance for the British, making sure they are adequately defended and prepared in case of an attack from the French or French allied natives. For a European power to formally call upon the Iroquois League in this manner is a testament to the latter’s strength. A direct request to use the might of the Iroquois League came from a letter by Richard Ingoldesby. Here he calls upon the Five Nations to participate in a land raid against the French in Canada. To convince them, Ingoldesby cites numerous times when the French showed themselves to be true enemies to the Iroquois and enticed them by describing how their shamans would sing war songs while clasping the hands of the British as a sign of their commitment. <a title="">[13]</a> In the letter Ingoldesby discusses the issue of the Senecas who have joined sides with French as they have fallen under the influence of the Jesuits. This shows that it was not only the British in need of the Iroquois but the French could benefit from them as well.</p>
<p> The founding of the United States has the markings of Iroquois principles scattered throughout. In 1751, Benjamin Franklin wrote to James Parker discussing the advantageous of forming a union of their own. In it Franklin shows amazement of how “Six Nations of ignorant savages would be capable of forming a scheme for such a union, and be able to execute it in such a manner as that it has subsisted ages and appears indissoluble.” <a title="">[14]</a> Franklin goes on to mention that a union of English colonies would serve a better purpose. Essentially, Franklin was planting the seeds of revolution by seeing hope in the way the Iroquois operated. The Iroquois influenced the founding fathers as they looked to create a new government. The Iroquois League and the colonies both were in the same geographic region, and with the Iroquois League predating the colonies by some five hundred years, it may not be so unusual that the political system that the founders agreed upon shared many similar characteristics as the Longhouse. <a title="">[15]</a> The Iroquois influenced the American union in two ways: the direct advice spoken to the creators of the Articles of Confederation and the Constitution by Iroquois spokesman, through the force of example exerted by Iroquois political practices that American leaders observed and used as models in devising a new system of government.<a title="">[16]</a> The Iroquois League practiced a type of politics that saw a central government with limited powers and substantially autonomous local governments. John Adams noted “the form of government of the ancient Germans and modern Indians…the existence of three divisions of power is marked with a precision that excludes all controversy". <a title="">[17]</a> The idea of separation of powers coming from the “modern Indians” is an ode to the Iroquois League as there were no other native groups that the Americans could have directly observed in their area.<a title="">[18]</a></p>
<p> The Iroquois League’s influence in North America was unprecedented among other native groups. Through their geographic location and cultural practice, they could exploit European counterparts and benefit greatly from trade as well as adapt to the drastic changes that were occurring. Their power led them to be sought after both by diplomatic means as well as sheer force. Arguably their most important influence came in the forming of this country itself, with very clear traces of Iroquois principles present in the United States government as well as famous American’s such as Benjamin Franklin and John Adams both crediting the Iroquois on an aspect of government that was to be adopted.</p>
<div><br clear="all" /><hr align="left" size="1" width="33%" /><div>
<p><a title="">[1]</a> Daniel K. Richter, <em>The Ordeal of the Longhouse: The Peoples of the Iroquois League in the Era of European Colonization </em>(University of North Carolina Press, Chapel Hill London, 1992), 1.</p>
</div>
<div>
<p><a title="">[2]</a> Richter, <em>The Ordeal of the Longhouse</em>, 2.</p>
</div>
<div>
<p><a title="">[3]</a> Richter, <em>The Ordeal of the Longhouse</em>, 2.</p>
</div>
<div>
<p><a title="">[4]</a> Richter, <em>The Ordeal of the Longhouse</em>, 2-3.</p>
</div>
<div>
<p><a title="">[5]</a> Richter, <em>The Ordeal of the Longhouse</em>, 3.</p>
</div>
<div>
<p><a title="">[6]</a> William J. Campbell, <em>Speculators in Empire: Iroquoia and the 1768 Treaty of Fort Stanwix </em>(University of Oklahoma Press: Norman, 2012), 69.</p>
</div>
<div>
<p><a title="">[7]</a> Campbell, <em>Speculators in Empire, </em>69</p>
</div>
<div>
<p><a title="">[8]</a> Campbell, <em>Speculators in Empire, </em>79</p>
</div>
<div>
<p><a title="">[9]</a> Campbell, <em>Speculators in Empire</em>, 139</p>
</div>
<div>
<p><a title="">[10]</a> Campbell, <em>Speculators in Empire</em>, 151</p>
</div>
<div>
<p><a title="">[11]</a> Campbell, <em>Speculators in Empire, </em>167</p>
</div>
<div>
<p><a title="">[12]</a> Robert Hunter, “Proposition to the Five Nations”</p>
</div>
<div>
<p><a title="">[13]</a> Richard Ingoldesby, “Proposition to the Mohawks, Oneidas, Onondagas, and Cayugas”</p>
</div>
<div>
<p><a title="">[14]</a> Benjamin Franklin on the Iroquois League, in a letter to James Parker, 1751</p>
</div>
<div>
<p><a title="">[15]</a> Elisabeth Tooker, “The United States Constitution and the Iroquois League,” Page 305</p>
</div>
<div>
<p><a title="">[16]</a> Samuel B Payne Jr, “The Iroquois League, the Articles of Confederation, and the Constitution,” 607</p>
</div>
<div>
<p><a title="">[17]</a> Payne, The Iroquois League, 608</p>
</div>
<div>
<p><a title="">[18]</a> Payne, The Iroquois League, 608-609</p>
</div>
</div>
<div><hr align="left" size="1" width="33%" /><div>
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<p> </p>
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Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Ibraheme Bayakly
Publisher
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University of Memphis
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
11/30/2016
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
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Proposition to the Mohawks, Oneidas, Onondagas, and Cayugas
Subject
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History, Military, Five Nations, Raid, French, Canada
Description
An account of the resource
Richard Ingoldesby makes a direct request by way of letter to use the military might of the Iroquois League. Here he calls upon the Five Nations to participate in land raid against the French in Canada. This letter was written during the time of great imperial powers colliding, and due to the lack of attention given to the North American colonies by the Crown, British survival was essentially put into the hands, or more specifically the military might, of the Iroquois League. To convince them, Ingoldesby cites numerous times as to when the French showed themselves to be true enemies to the Iroquois and entices them by describing how their shamans would sing war songs while clasping the hands of the British as a sign of their commitment. Ingoldesby brings to the attention of the Five Nations of how their own kin, the Senecas, defected and were lured in to the French side due to the use of Jesuit priests. Ingoldesby expressed his wishes in regaining the full might of the Iroquois League by taking back the Senecas. Both historians Daniel Richter and William J. Campbell discuss the geographical advantage that the Iroquois had when dealing with the European colonizers, this advantage is emphasized in this letter when Ingoldesby urges the Five Nations to regain the Senecas as a means to strengthen British power in the colonies over the French.
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Richard Ingoldesby
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The Livingston Family Papers
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University of Memphis
Date
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July 14, 1709
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The Gilder Lehrman Institute of American History
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06963e2770580f5127daa16e43ba6079
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Title
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Christianity in the Colonial World: Use It How You See Best.
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Colonial America, US, USA, Christianity, Spanish Catholics, 17th century, 18th century, Portuguese Jesuits, English Protestants, Native Americans, African Slaves, African Americans, native peoples. Empire, hegemony, relationships.
Description
An account of the resource
During the colonial period every European empire that had its hands on the continent saw itself as a Christian nation. Though denominations varied from empire to empire, the same consistent theme of seeing Christianity as a global empire was universally shared. Where they differed was the implementation and vision of this Christian empire in the Americas and subsequently the world. The French Catholic Jesuits, the Spanish Catholics, and the English Protestants all saw themselves as a part of a grand Christian empire. The manifestation of this concept however differed from nation to nation and from denomination to denomination. In fierce competition they engaged one another to establish their particular Christian hegemony. The competitions' records and legacies can unfortunately consume the stories of enslaved and native peoples. Though they themselves also adopted elements of Christianity in their own communities for a variety of purposes, and thus are relevant to this topic of history. <br /><br />From the 17th to the 18th century evidence shows that every major European empire (e.g the French, the Spanish, and the British empires) as well as the enslaved peoples they used, and the native people who encountered them and extended relationships with them, adopted elements of Christianity to establish a particular hegemony within their communities. This was not an all encompassing unifying gesture and in fact was a heated competition at times, and thus we must not leave any peoples from this narrative if we want to truly understand the dynamic role Christianity played in colonial American history. <br /><br />Of the Catholic denominations in France there exists a subset called the Society of Jesus or, as they are better known,the Jesuits. The Jesuits during the colonial period were often persecuted or pushed out of their home countries in this reality of competition between Christian denominations and empire. In the letters of Father Pierre Biard, circa 1606 -1625, we get a glimpse of the animosity different denominations in this Christian empire felt for one another. “For they carried us off, together with the Frenchmen who remained, fifteen in all, straight to their own country, Virginia, distant from the place in which we had been captured at least two hundred and fifty leagues.”[1] Once they arrived in Virginia the Puritan Governor wanted to hang them all, especially the Jesuits.[2] Despite these challenges the Jesuits in general, not just in France, played a tactful role in the development and spread of Christianity from the northern borders of Canada all the way to the coasts of Brazil. <br /><br />In Brazil, the Spanish Portuguese Jesuits built schools and libraries. It was noted that the Spanish Portuguese Jesuits made conversion of the natives their primary<em> de facto</em> motive for colonization in the first place. Shortly after 1549 the first library was built in Brazil and continued to be built and expanded until the outlawing of the Society of Jesus in 1759. In this way the Spanish Portuguese Jesuits in Brazil are accredited with starting the first public libraries and centers of knowledge in the nation.[3] The French and Spanish Portuguese Jesuit’s implemented their ideas for native peoples with the pursuit of conversion through education and thus assimilatied them into their particular culture. Other Spanish Catholics had different perspective and values abd therefore a different manifestation of what they thought they should be doing to aid the Christian empire took place. In many ways, Catholics were more pragmatic and material in their relationships with native people, it was either to exploit resources and/or exchange land ownership. Subsequently the goal of conversion and assimilation into their particular culture remained a consistent focus as well. However, in letters between Luis de Quirós and Juan Baptista de Segura we see this pragmatic view of native people relationships come to light. During the colonial period food scarcity was rampant for both European settlers and native peoples. For native peoples their ecosystem radically changed and became inhospitable to their way of life. For European settlers lack of preparedness and food shortages were due to death rates and harsh colonial environments. In this particular exchange we see Luis de Quirós plan to exploit this situation for the benefit of the Catholic Christian empire. “At this time the planting is done here, and thus many of the tribes will come here after being scattered over the region in search of food and there will be a good opportunity for the Holy Gospel.”[4] While the Jesuits made it their first priority to establish education, Spanish Catholics were more interested in seeking converts through material exchange relationships. For the Spanish Catholics converting native people into their cultural hegemony served an economic purpose. How those material exchange relationships manifested varied from region to region, exploiting converts in South America for gold, silver, or in this case food. “From the frontier came genuine democracy, rugged individualism, plasticity, mobility, tolerance, optimism, and an assertiveness and self-assurance rooted in material prosperity. To a degree that these characteristics were exemplified by Catholics, it would be most often by the denizens of the forests, the mountains, and the plains.”[5] It is this spirit of material prosperity that motivated Catholics to the regions they traveled to and because settlement is such a labor demanding task. Assimilating bodies into the Spanish Catholic economic and cultural systems was an important concept for the Spanish.<br /><br /> For the English Protestants in the colonies this world view was drastically different in execution and purpose. The original nature of the American colonies were peripheral in the eyes of the English Crown.[6] For the English religiosity was less conformed and contained and what you find is the appearance of multiple Christian groups in the colonies, e.g Quakers, Protestants, Puritans, etc.[7] This competition that manifested between these groups, produced a less uniformed approach to assimilating native peoples and slaves into particular Christian denominations. The English, like the Spanish and the French, interacted with natives and slaves and religion had a large impact on those interactions. However, views on the success of these interactions wildly depends on interpretation. The English who held slaves in the Southern colonies permitted missionaries to convert their slaves but admitted to limited success. Unlike the Spanish Catholics the English Protestants had no particular economic incentive behind conversion, instead, to them it was more of a personal desire. “...slaves were considered a gospelly unleavened lump whose heathenism one had to endure for the sake of cultivating tobacco and rice.”[8] The English had different views for Natives as their original intention of incorporating them into colonial labor forces similar to the ideas of the Spanish failed due to the spread of disease and death in those populations which strained relationships. For the English converting natives and slaves was more a personal want that had to do with personal convenience in navigating social life. John Eliot, an English Puritan minister within the colonies, wrote this in his diary on his motivations for assimilating native peoples into Christianity: “I have begun to teach them the Art of Teaching, and I find some of them very capable. And while I live, my purpose is, (by the grace of Christ assisting) to make it one of my chief cares and labours to teach them some of the Liberal Arts and Sciences, and the way how to analize, and lay out into particulars both the Works and Word of God; and how to communicate knowledge to others methodically and skilfully, and especially the method of Divinity.”[9] What John Eliot describes is a desire to assimilate native peoples into his Christian hegemony. One could argue that by extending conversion to slaves the English participated in a larger system of using Christian elements to adopt people into English culture; natives and slaves used this system to their advantage where they could. Native peoples also used Christianity in their personal lives for their own agenda and purpose. In John Eliot’s diary we’re given accounts of tribes who bordered English towns and wanted Eliot to settle with them and teach them. “The English Town called Marlborough doth border upon them, as did the lines of the Tribes of Judah and Benjamin; the English Meeting-house standeth within the line of the Indian Town, although the contiguity and co-inhabitation is not barren in producing matters of interfering; yet our godly Indians do obtain a good report of the godly English, which is an argument that bringeth light and evidence to my heart, that our Indians are really godly. I was very lately among them; they desired me to settle a stated Lecture amongst them.”[10] <br /><br />Eliot’s account, at the very least, convinces himself of the fact that natives on some level desire to know more about Christianity. That desire proved that natives were willing to adopt elements of Christianity for their personal benefit. It is worth noting that gender power dynamics of Native American society varied. A patriarchal hierarchy which one could attribute to European power structures was not congruent with native societies and as such the roles of women differed. One would assume that in the male-centric missions and the male-centered Christian world view would clash on an ideological level with native community structure and the status of women in those communities. However, this is not the case: “Christianity did not totally destroy the power that the Tlingit had traditionally had in their communities...social rank remained the most important influence in Tlingit society. Although women might bow to the authority of the church, they remained powerful figured in their communities because of family alliances. Christianity did not deprive them of power but allowed them to mediate Christian values...”. [11] In other cases natives used Christianity superstitiously in hopes that it would turn the tide of colonization and restore their world to how it originally had been. <br /><br />African slaves in the colonies also incorporated aspects of Christianity in their own lives. It was a liberating ideology that formed links and fellowships in the colonies which helped supplement the families and kinship that were broken up in the act of slavery itself. Particularly due to the history of Portuguese Catholic involvement on the west coast of Africa, the Congo and Angola regions of Africa adopted elements of Christianity prior to enslavement and transition into the Americas. For slaves, Christianity was an avenue of association that could be utilized to form links and deteriorate differences between white colonial masters and themselves. They had their children baptized, which is an important cultural marker for adherents to that particular faith as it conflicts with ideas of slavery.[12] Christians adhering to their doctrine do not make slaves of other Christians. The usage of baptism as a means to avoid slavery in the African community is another example of the usage of elements within Christianity to assimilate into a particular hegemony a group of peoples for a particular gain. <br /><br />It seems that generally all actors in colonial life were in some way touched by Christianity and while fierce competition did exist between denominations, people adapted Christian elements broadly in all of it’s forms for the purpose of establishing a particular beneficial hegemony within a group dynamic. For French Catholic Jesuits the benefits of assimilating native peoples into their Christian culture was a matter of having more bodies, and thereby strength, to avoid persecution. For Spanish Catholics assimilating native peoples into their Christian hegemony allowed them to make substantial economic gains as relationships formed and bonded. For the English Protestants conversion was usual for forming personal bonds between slaves and natives and thereby assimilating them under a particular hegemony. Native Americans adopted elements of Christianity for its perceived supernatural benefits in order to use it beneficially within their own communities. African slaves adopted elements of Christianity such as baptism as a way to avoid slavery by identifying themselves as members of the Christian hegemony and culture. <br /><br />While none of these groups agreed upon a particular consensus of what that Christian empire would be, they all incorporated elements of it for their own personal benefits in the particular established hegemony in which they were involved. Truly, if there is a single thread that binds all of these groups together during this time period it would be the adoption of elements of Christianity. Which in particular? For what reasons? The answers to these questions vary from case to case but one thing we can say for sure is people used Christianity however they thought it would benefit them or their identifying group. In broader terms one could say however they saw best. <br /><br />1 Pierre Biard . “Letter of Father Pierre Biard, 1614 Narratives of Early Virginia, 1606-1625.” Edited by Lyon Gardiner Tyler. Virtual James Town. Accessed September 27, 2016. <br />2 Pierre Biard. “Letter of Father Pierre Biard, 1614 Narratives of Early Virginia, 1606-1625.” Edited by Lyon Gardiner Tyler. Virtual James Town. Accessed September 27, 2016. 3 Mark L Grover. “The Book and the Conquest: Jesuit Libraries in Colonial Brazil.” Libraries & Culture 28<br />3 (1993): 266-283 4 Quiros, de, Luis. “The Spanish Jesuit Mission in Virgina, 1570-1572 Letter of Luis de Quiros and Juan Baptista de Segura” Translated and Edited by Clifford M. Lewis, S.J. and Albert J.Loomie, S.J., eds. The Virgina Historical Society by the University of North Carolina Press, 1953. Accessed September 27, 2016. 5 Thomas W. Spalding, “The Catholic Frontiers.” U.S. Catholic Historian 12, <br />4 (1994): 15 <br />6 Charles L Cohen, . “The Colonization of British North America as an Episode in the History of Christianity.” Church History 72, no. 3 (2003): 560<br /> 7 Charles L. Cohen,“The Colonization of British North America as an Episode in the History of Christianity.” Church History 72, no. 3 (2003): 561<br /> 8 Charles L Cohen . “The Colonization of British North America as an Episode in the History of Christianity.” Church History 72, no. 3 (2003): 562 <br />9 John Eliot. “American Historical Documents, 1000–1904.” Edited by Charles W. Eliot. The Harvard Classics. New York: P.F. Collier & Son, 1909-14. Accessed September 27, 2016. <br />10 John Eliot “American Historical Documents, 1000–1904.” Edited by Charles W. Eliot. The Harvard Classics. New York: P.F. Collier & Son, 1909-14. Accessed September 27, 2016. <br />11 Clara Sue Kidwell. “Comment: Native American Women’s Responses to Christianity.” Ethnohistory 43, no.4 (1996): 722 <br />12 Linda Heywood and John Thornton. Central African Leadership and the Appropriation of European Culture. Edited by Peter C. Mancall. The Atlantic World and Virgina, 1550-1626. Chapel Hill, North Carolina: University of North Carolina Press, 2007. 224
Creator
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Blake Cauble
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University of Memphis
Date
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11/30/2016
Text
A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text.
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Title
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Letters of Father Pierre Biard, 1614
Description
An account of the resource
This is a letter from French Catholic Jesuit minister Pierre Biard to General Claude Acquaviva
of the Society of Jesus, at Rome, May 26, 1614. It describes Father Biard's capture in New France by
the English and their violent treatment. It also describes what happened to him and his party after they
were captured by the English and sent to Virginia. It shows the animosity the French
Catholics and English Anglicans had for one another.
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Pierre Biard.
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University of Memphis
Date
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May 26, 1614
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Edited by
Lyon Gardiner Tyler
Subject
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Narative of early Virginia.
Source
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virtual James Town.<br />http://www.virtualjamestown.org/exist/cocoon/jamestown/fha/J1044
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2ad7a04f304707d09e38a931cbe3edc6
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Title
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“A Prequel to The French and Indian War”
Subject
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French and Indian War
Description
An account of the resource
<p> </p>
<p> </p>
<p align="center">“<em>A Prequel to The French and Indian War</em>”</p>
<p>When we think of colonial America prior to the Revolutionary War, it is very hard to not think about the conflicts that eventually led to this monumental event. One of these conflicts was the French and Indian War (or the Seven Years War as known in Europe), a monumental affair that would solidify British rule in North America and see our first president gain prestige for his military service during the war. This war saw colonial forces drafted en masse against a French adversary that had secured critical alliances with several Native American tribes. Of course, most historians already know about the course of the war and how the war ended, but the causes and motivations for the war can still be examined. How could such a conflict occur in the colonies in the first place? This author argues that The French and Indian War was already set to happen as a variety of military and political factors had already taken hold in colonial North America, with the construction of fortifications, tensions between the British and French, and disputed colonial borders directly paving a path to war.</p>
<p> Prior to 1753, North America existed in a sort of “flux”, there were several areas of territory between the English colonies and the French colonies that were largely “disputed”. Both the French and British had territorial claims across the region, along with some very conflicting claims (some of which most notably being in the Ohio valley). To the British, the French occupation of such territories was a slight against the British Crown, while to the French, the British had no right to claim territories that were seen as “French”. This territorial dispute was one of many between the French and the British, as both nations had already been in a series of on-and-off conflicts between each other, with one of the more notable conflicts being the war of Spanish succession just a few years prior to the outbreak of the French and Indian War. Relations between the two were far from warm and both sides had quite a bit to lose in the Americas (particularly the French), such as the fur trade and other resources that needed to be protected.</p>
<p> For the 1700s onward in North America the French had worked with the Native Americans to exploit the fur trade. Unwilling to give concessions to the other side, the French began constructing a series of fortifications across disputed territories inside the Ohio valley to both protect this trade and clearly define French influence in the region. This of course drew the ire of the British, who were none too pleased with the presence of French fortifications in their territory. The colonial governors felt great unease with the presence of these fortifications; one of the more notable governors was Governor Horatio Sharpe of Maryland. “The French it seems claim to the very Fountain Heads of Monongahela, Youghyoghgyina & all the Streams flowing into Ohio or Mississippi, so that their Pretensions extend to a great number of Acres within this Province which I am afraid no Person will be prevailed on to take up till the French be obliged to relinquish the Forts they have already built on those Rivers. Pensilvania will lose a vast quantity of Land if their incroachments are not suppressed & prevented”.<a title="">[1]</a></p>
<p> These fortifications were a major issue for the British, and Governor Sharpe was not at all happy with their presence. The British had already laid claim to much of the areas in dispute, and the lure of the fur trade along with the other resources that could be exploited in the Ohio valley were areas of concern for the Crown. This, however, was just one factor behind the outbreak of the war. For much of the early 1700s the French had worked with the Native Americans in this region to exploit the fur trade, which at the time was an extremely profitable market for those European powers that had access to it. This had led to the French crafting alliances with native powers to ensure that their trade stayed undisturbed. The British recognized this, and as a counter effort to French influence, tried to form alliances with the Iroquois and other Native tribes that were against the French for a variety of reasons. A notable example of this at work can be found in Governor Dinwiddie’s correspondence to the Iroquois. The correspondence stated:</p>
<p>“I rec’d by the Hands of Mr. A. Mountour, the three Belts of W[ampum], w’ch You desired to be ret’d at the Congress at Albany. The French Invading Y’r hunting Grounds on the Ohio, took up all my Time to prevent their settling there, and agreeable to Y’r desire, to assist and protect Y’r F’ds and Allies on y’t river, w’ch I have to the utmost of my Power on this pres’t Invasion of the French and their Ind’s done, and [I] am always ready to help any of the Tribes of Ind’s y’t are in Amity and F’dship with You. I now return the above three Belts of Wampum, and desire to assure You y’t I shall, on all occasions, be glad to keep the Chain of F’dship between us bright, and to live in brotherly Love and F’dship with You, our Allies, while the Sun and Moon gives Us Light. In testimony of the Truth thereof, I present You with this Belt of Wampum.”.<a title="">[2]</a></p>
<p>By aligning themselves with friendly native peoples, both the French and British had access to groups of people that could prove to be vital allies should tensions erupt into conflict. Dinwiddie like many other leaders in the area pushed for Native cooperation. This only served to escalate tensions between the two powers. All these grievances combined would finally lead to the British sending an expedition to the French demanding their withdrawal, and a young George Washington was one of the few survivors of this tragic affair.</p>
<p> So, when we look at the fortifications mentioned in the previous paragraphs along with the trade competition (along with the less than amicable British response), it is pretty to see why exactly the British would send a force to eject the French from the contested Ohio valley. This would all finally lead to Colonel Washington receiving the following correspondence:</p>
<p>“WHEREAS, the Fr. have unjustly invaded H. M’y’s Lands on the Ohio, and have sent flying Parties of Fr. and Ind’s to rob and murder our back Settlers to the Westw’d, w’ch the Legislature of Y’s Dom’n hav’g seriously taken into their Considerat’n and voted Money for the Protect’n of our Frontiers and for conduct’g the necessary Expedit’n to drive the Fr. from the Ohio. In Consequence thereof I have granted Comissions for rais’g sixteen Compa’s of Men to be form’d into a Regim’t. The Com’d of w’ch Regim’t, together with all the Forces that now are or may be employ’d in the Co’try Service, being given to You. You are, as soon as possible, to use Y’r utmost Endeavours to compleat the s’d Regim’t by send’g the officers to recruit in the different Counties of y’s Dom’n, as You shall see most convenient, leav’g six to do Duty with the Men who remain at F’t Cumb’l’d…”<a title="">[3]</a></p>
<p>The British finally had enough with the French in the Ohio valley. Orders of mobilization had begun and General Edward Braddock’s army marched to demand that the French leave the region. Years of tensions seen in Europe were finally about to come to a head in the Americas, and from a colonial perspective the battle lines had already been drawn. Closing a chapter of colonial history and opening a new one, the French and Indian War began.</p>
<p> So, in conclusion, the path to war between the French and British in the colonies had already been laid out by a mixture of political and economic factors. The ambiguity as to who owned the disputed Ohio valley and other territories, along with the construction of fortifications and the declining relationship between the protestant British and the Catholic French set up what was to become the French and Indian War. By looking at “why” the war happened (in the colonies at least) we can finally gain a better understanding of the dynamics that led to the war between these two great powers.</p>
<div><br clear="all" /><hr align="left" size="1" width="33%" /><div>
<p><a title="">[1]</a> William Browne, Editor., <em>Correspondence of Governor Horatio Sharpe</em>, Volume I. 1753-1757 (Baltimore: Maryland Historical Society 1888)</p>
</div>
<div>
<p><a title="">[2]</a> R.A. Brock, editor., <em>The Official Records of Robert Dinwiddie</em>, Volume I. Pg. 312. (Richmond: Virginia Historical Society, 1883)</p>
</div>
<div>
<p><a title="">[3]</a> Jared Sparks, editor., <em>The Writings of George Washington</em>, Volume II. Pages 184-186. (Boston: Charles Tappan, 1846)<br />________________________________________________<br /> Works Cited</p>
<p>William Browne, Editor., Correspondence of Governor Horatio Sharpe, Volume I. 1753-1757 (Baltimore: Maryland Historical Society 1888)</p>
<p>R.A. Brock, editor., The Official Records of Robert Dinwiddie, Volume I. Pg. 312. (Richmond: Virginia Historical Society, 1883)</p>
<p>Jared Sparks, editor., The Writings of George Washington, Volume II. Pages 184-186. (Boston: Charles Tappan, 1846)</p>
<p>Anderson Fred. Crucible of War: The Seven Years’ War and the Fate of Empire in British North America, 1754-1766. London: Faber & Faber, 2000. Print.</p>
<p>Hrdlicka, James F.1. "The Attachment of the People": The Massachusetts Charter, the French and Indian War, and the Coming of the American Revolution." New England Quarterly 89, no. 3 (September 2016): 384-420. Humanities Full Text (H.W. Wilson), EBSCOhost (accessed October 19, 2016).</p>
<p>Gandulla, Stephanie, and Lawrence Edward Babits. The Archaeology of French and Indian War Frontier Forts. Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2014. eBook Collection (EBSCOhost), EBSCOhost (accessed October 17, 2016).</p>
<p>Englebert, Robert, and Guillaume Teasdale. French and Indians in the Heart of North America, 1630-1815. East Lansing: Michigan State University Press, 2013. eBook Collection (EBSCOhost), EBSCOhost (accessed October 14, 2016).</p>
<p>Marston, Daniel. The French-Indian War, 1754-1760. New York: Taylor & Francis [CAM], 2003. eBook Collection (EBSCOhost), EBSCOhost (accessed October 16, 2016).</p>
</div>
</div>
Creator
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Jeffrey Cunningham
Publisher
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University of Memphis
Date
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11/30/2016
Dublin Core
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Title
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Governor Robert Dinwiddie to the Sachems and Warriors of the Six Indian Nations, n.d.
Subject
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Dinwiddie, Indian, Warriors
Description
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In this source, Governor Dinwiddie seeks to gain Native American allies against the French, part of a British effort to acquire native allies. This highlights the alliances that formed prior to the war.
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Governor Robert Dinwiddie
Source
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Brock, R.A. Editor. The Official Records of Robert Dinwiddie, Volume I. (Richmond: Virginia Historical Society, 1883), 312
http://www.wvculture.org/history/frenchandindian/dinwiddie01.html
Publisher
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University of Memphis
Date
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c.1750s
Contributor
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R.A Brock
Rights
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Virginia Historical Society
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“A Prequel to The French and Indian War”
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French and Indian War
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<p> </p>
<p> </p>
<p align="center">“<em>A Prequel to The French and Indian War</em>”</p>
<p>When we think of colonial America prior to the Revolutionary War, it is very hard to not think about the conflicts that eventually led to this monumental event. One of these conflicts was the French and Indian War (or the Seven Years War as known in Europe), a monumental affair that would solidify British rule in North America and see our first president gain prestige for his military service during the war. This war saw colonial forces drafted en masse against a French adversary that had secured critical alliances with several Native American tribes. Of course, most historians already know about the course of the war and how the war ended, but the causes and motivations for the war can still be examined. How could such a conflict occur in the colonies in the first place? This author argues that The French and Indian War was already set to happen as a variety of military and political factors had already taken hold in colonial North America, with the construction of fortifications, tensions between the British and French, and disputed colonial borders directly paving a path to war.</p>
<p> Prior to 1753, North America existed in a sort of “flux”, there were several areas of territory between the English colonies and the French colonies that were largely “disputed”. Both the French and British had territorial claims across the region, along with some very conflicting claims (some of which most notably being in the Ohio valley). To the British, the French occupation of such territories was a slight against the British Crown, while to the French, the British had no right to claim territories that were seen as “French”. This territorial dispute was one of many between the French and the British, as both nations had already been in a series of on-and-off conflicts between each other, with one of the more notable conflicts being the war of Spanish succession just a few years prior to the outbreak of the French and Indian War. Relations between the two were far from warm and both sides had quite a bit to lose in the Americas (particularly the French), such as the fur trade and other resources that needed to be protected.</p>
<p> For the 1700s onward in North America the French had worked with the Native Americans to exploit the fur trade. Unwilling to give concessions to the other side, the French began constructing a series of fortifications across disputed territories inside the Ohio valley to both protect this trade and clearly define French influence in the region. This of course drew the ire of the British, who were none too pleased with the presence of French fortifications in their territory. The colonial governors felt great unease with the presence of these fortifications; one of the more notable governors was Governor Horatio Sharpe of Maryland. “The French it seems claim to the very Fountain Heads of Monongahela, Youghyoghgyina & all the Streams flowing into Ohio or Mississippi, so that their Pretensions extend to a great number of Acres within this Province which I am afraid no Person will be prevailed on to take up till the French be obliged to relinquish the Forts they have already built on those Rivers. Pensilvania will lose a vast quantity of Land if their incroachments are not suppressed & prevented”.<a title="">[1]</a></p>
<p> These fortifications were a major issue for the British, and Governor Sharpe was not at all happy with their presence. The British had already laid claim to much of the areas in dispute, and the lure of the fur trade along with the other resources that could be exploited in the Ohio valley were areas of concern for the Crown. This, however, was just one factor behind the outbreak of the war. For much of the early 1700s the French had worked with the Native Americans in this region to exploit the fur trade, which at the time was an extremely profitable market for those European powers that had access to it. This had led to the French crafting alliances with native powers to ensure that their trade stayed undisturbed. The British recognized this, and as a counter effort to French influence, tried to form alliances with the Iroquois and other Native tribes that were against the French for a variety of reasons. A notable example of this at work can be found in Governor Dinwiddie’s correspondence to the Iroquois. The correspondence stated:</p>
<p>“I rec’d by the Hands of Mr. A. Mountour, the three Belts of W[ampum], w’ch You desired to be ret’d at the Congress at Albany. The French Invading Y’r hunting Grounds on the Ohio, took up all my Time to prevent their settling there, and agreeable to Y’r desire, to assist and protect Y’r F’ds and Allies on y’t river, w’ch I have to the utmost of my Power on this pres’t Invasion of the French and their Ind’s done, and [I] am always ready to help any of the Tribes of Ind’s y’t are in Amity and F’dship with You. I now return the above three Belts of Wampum, and desire to assure You y’t I shall, on all occasions, be glad to keep the Chain of F’dship between us bright, and to live in brotherly Love and F’dship with You, our Allies, while the Sun and Moon gives Us Light. In testimony of the Truth thereof, I present You with this Belt of Wampum.”.<a title="">[2]</a></p>
<p>By aligning themselves with friendly native peoples, both the French and British had access to groups of people that could prove to be vital allies should tensions erupt into conflict. Dinwiddie like many other leaders in the area pushed for Native cooperation. This only served to escalate tensions between the two powers. All these grievances combined would finally lead to the British sending an expedition to the French demanding their withdrawal, and a young George Washington was one of the few survivors of this tragic affair.</p>
<p> So, when we look at the fortifications mentioned in the previous paragraphs along with the trade competition (along with the less than amicable British response), it is pretty to see why exactly the British would send a force to eject the French from the contested Ohio valley. This would all finally lead to Colonel Washington receiving the following correspondence:</p>
<p>“WHEREAS, the Fr. have unjustly invaded H. M’y’s Lands on the Ohio, and have sent flying Parties of Fr. and Ind’s to rob and murder our back Settlers to the Westw’d, w’ch the Legislature of Y’s Dom’n hav’g seriously taken into their Considerat’n and voted Money for the Protect’n of our Frontiers and for conduct’g the necessary Expedit’n to drive the Fr. from the Ohio. In Consequence thereof I have granted Comissions for rais’g sixteen Compa’s of Men to be form’d into a Regim’t. The Com’d of w’ch Regim’t, together with all the Forces that now are or may be employ’d in the Co’try Service, being given to You. You are, as soon as possible, to use Y’r utmost Endeavours to compleat the s’d Regim’t by send’g the officers to recruit in the different Counties of y’s Dom’n, as You shall see most convenient, leav’g six to do Duty with the Men who remain at F’t Cumb’l’d…”<a title="">[3]</a></p>
<p>The British finally had enough with the French in the Ohio valley. Orders of mobilization had begun and General Edward Braddock’s army marched to demand that the French leave the region. Years of tensions seen in Europe were finally about to come to a head in the Americas, and from a colonial perspective the battle lines had already been drawn. Closing a chapter of colonial history and opening a new one, the French and Indian War began.</p>
<p> So, in conclusion, the path to war between the French and British in the colonies had already been laid out by a mixture of political and economic factors. The ambiguity as to who owned the disputed Ohio valley and other territories, along with the construction of fortifications and the declining relationship between the protestant British and the Catholic French set up what was to become the French and Indian War. By looking at “why” the war happened (in the colonies at least) we can finally gain a better understanding of the dynamics that led to the war between these two great powers.</p>
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<p><a title="">[1]</a> William Browne, Editor., <em>Correspondence of Governor Horatio Sharpe</em>, Volume I. 1753-1757 (Baltimore: Maryland Historical Society 1888)</p>
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<p><a title="">[2]</a> R.A. Brock, editor., <em>The Official Records of Robert Dinwiddie</em>, Volume I. Pg. 312. (Richmond: Virginia Historical Society, 1883)</p>
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<p><a title="">[3]</a> Jared Sparks, editor., <em>The Writings of George Washington</em>, Volume II. Pages 184-186. (Boston: Charles Tappan, 1846)<br />________________________________________________<br /> Works Cited</p>
<p>William Browne, Editor., Correspondence of Governor Horatio Sharpe, Volume I. 1753-1757 (Baltimore: Maryland Historical Society 1888)</p>
<p>R.A. Brock, editor., The Official Records of Robert Dinwiddie, Volume I. Pg. 312. (Richmond: Virginia Historical Society, 1883)</p>
<p>Jared Sparks, editor., The Writings of George Washington, Volume II. Pages 184-186. (Boston: Charles Tappan, 1846)</p>
<p>Anderson Fred. Crucible of War: The Seven Years’ War and the Fate of Empire in British North America, 1754-1766. London: Faber & Faber, 2000. Print.</p>
<p>Hrdlicka, James F.1. "The Attachment of the People": The Massachusetts Charter, the French and Indian War, and the Coming of the American Revolution." New England Quarterly 89, no. 3 (September 2016): 384-420. Humanities Full Text (H.W. Wilson), EBSCOhost (accessed October 19, 2016).</p>
<p>Gandulla, Stephanie, and Lawrence Edward Babits. The Archaeology of French and Indian War Frontier Forts. Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2014. eBook Collection (EBSCOhost), EBSCOhost (accessed October 17, 2016).</p>
<p>Englebert, Robert, and Guillaume Teasdale. French and Indians in the Heart of North America, 1630-1815. East Lansing: Michigan State University Press, 2013. eBook Collection (EBSCOhost), EBSCOhost (accessed October 14, 2016).</p>
<p>Marston, Daniel. The French-Indian War, 1754-1760. New York: Taylor & Francis [CAM], 2003. eBook Collection (EBSCOhost), EBSCOhost (accessed October 16, 2016).</p>
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</div>
Creator
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Jeffrey Cunningham
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University of Memphis
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11/30/2016
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Maryland Governor Horatio Sharpe to Frederick Calvert, September 2, 1754
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Sharpe, Maryland, Governor
Description
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Part of Governor Shape’s correspondence, this details the buildup of French fortifications in the Ohio valley. The French construction discouraged English colonists and proved to be a point of great tension for Sharpe. Highlighting a key factor of the French and Indian War.
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Maryland Governor Horatio Sharpe
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Browne, William. Editor. Correspondence of Governor Horatio Sharpe, Volume I. 1753-1757 (Baltimore: Maryland Historical Society 1888)
http://www.wvculture.org/history/frenchandindian/17540902sharpe.html
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University of Memphis
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1754
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William Browne
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Maryland Historical Society
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d1b0234b63af0ccfc6410b3ae5fe2e36
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<p style="text-align:left;"><span>Indentured Servitude in Colonial America</span></p>
Subject
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Indentured servitude colonization
Description
An account of the resource
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<div style="text-align:center;" dir="ltr"><span>INDENTURED SERVITUDE IN COLONIAL AMERICA</span></div>
<div style="text-align:center;" dir="ltr"> </div>
<div style="text-align:center;" dir="ltr"><span>Ashley Brown</span></div>
<div style="text-align:center;" dir="ltr"><span>Colonial America to 1783</span></div>
<div style="text-align:center;" dir="ltr"><span>Dr. Christine Eisel</span></div>
<div style="text-align:center;" dir="ltr"><span>November 16 2016</span></div>
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<p>Indentured servants helped out a great deal in the British colonization of North America, more so than the aristocracy. An estimated one-half to two-thirds of the English immigrants were indentured between the 1630s and the American Revolution.<a title=""><sup><sup>[1]</sup></sup></a> They came in search of work and the ownership of land. Becoming an indentured servant had a price: the long ride to the colonies, the working conditions, and the treatment they endured from their masters. After decades of this system in place, it finally came to an end around the time of the American Revolution. There are many theories as to why the system went out of practice, from slavery being cheaper to there being less of a draw for immigrants to join servitude.</p>
<p>Two of the major motivations behind moving to the colonies were the promises of land and work. In England, only those of the aristocracy owned land and by going to America not only did people have an increased chance of owning land, they also would have guaranteed immediate employment, housing, and food upon arrival.<a title=""><sup><sup>[2]</sup></sup></a> The earliest immigrants to the American colonies had the best chance at obtaining their promised land after serving their expected terms of servitude. After the first few decades of colonization, the price of land rose quite considerably. This still did not deter people from going into servitude.</p>
<p>The people that signed into servitude were under no illusion that their future would be unconditional any more than their freedom was back in England. People from England were not the only people drawn to this new life. Many Europeans from other countries became servants too. Many German immigrants came as “redemptioners". Redemptioners were a type of indentured servant that instead of forming their contract before the voyage to the colonies, they would have to make them after they arrived and before they were allowed off of the ship. Redemptioners were particularly vulnerable to abuse; other European countries did not have the same types of laws in place that would protect them from transporters and the people making the contracts from taking advantage of them. Some abuse that they would faced included being kidnapped and forced into the service, or being lied to by recruiters.</p>
<p>Europeans were not the only ones who entered servitude; native people were tied into it as well. Native people mainly became part of servitude because they became so dependent on European goods. They also became restricted from their resources by the change in their environment caused by the Europeans.<a title=""><sup><sup>[3]</sup></sup></a> By the mid-18th century, close to a third of all native people that were in Rhode Island were indentured servants working in white households.<a title=""><sup><sup>[4]</sup></sup></a> Servitude was becoming such a large part of the native peoples live that between the 1730s and 1760s, some tribes petitioned the courts complaining about predatory lending of servitude by Europeans in their area. Statutes were eventually applied to help prevent and regulate the practice. Even during military enlistment, natives would go into servitude. During King George’s War in 1746, out of 980 men, 139 of those men were native and out of the men, close to half of those me had signed their wages over to creditors before leaving to war.<a title=""><sup><sup>[5]</sup></sup></a></p>
<p>In servitude, people had to live alongside their masters. Although servants did have access to courts at the time, they still ran the risk of the courts falling in favor with their masters. This happened frequently since the landowners and the courts were each other’s peers and they were less likely to relate to the servants.<a title=""><sup><sup>[6]</sup></sup></a> If they were found guilty or their complaints frivolous they were subject to extend the time in servitude, and/or faced corporal punishment. This threat of punishment reduced the likelihood of a servant seeking out justice, on the chance that if they did so they could also be punished or threatened. It also was not unusual for cases that involved abuse or neglect to be found in favor of the master which would cause an unfavorable judgment for the servant.</p>
<p>The southern plantations and the Caribbean had the most unlivable situations for servants. Indentured servants worked along slaves but were driven harder, the reason being that the master only had them for a limited time and wanted to get as much as they could out of them before their required time was up. As for the slaves they had them for their entirety of their life and they wanted to make sure they would stay alive to get the most out of them. As quoted from William Eddis on his opinion on the treatment of servants and slaves in the South: "Negroes being a property for life, the death of slaves, in the prime of youth or strength, is a material loss to the proprietor; they are, therefore, almost in every instance, under more comfortable circumstances than the miserable European, over whom the rigid planter exercises an inflexible severity. They are strained to the utmost to perform their allotted labor; and, from a prepossession in many cases too justly founded, they are supposed to be receiving only the just reward which is due to repeated offenses.”<a title=""><sup><sup>[7]</sup></sup></a> The South and the Caribbean had the most appalling living conditions of any person that worked in all plantations.</p>
<p>There are multiple reasons and theories behind the decline and ultimate end of indentured servitude. It was becoming harder for masters and sea captains to hold servants to their contracts when they had finally reached the colonies. Because people who profited from the sale of contracts were having such a hard time selling them, the demand for servants might have begun to fall. The rise per capita in England was making the cost of travel more affordable to people who would have been more likely to become servants as they were now able to pay for their own passage. People who would have been in need to hire servants were beginning to find substitutes for their employments. Slavery was much cheaper than servants and the masters did not have to worry about giving servants their freedom dues. The end of debtors' prisons may have increased the decline, servants could agree to the captain's contract as when they arrived they could refuse the work and there would be no repercussions. Increased lobbying from immigrant aid societies led to increased regulation of the indentured labor market, further increasing the difficulty of enforcing contracts. With less ability to enforce the contracts, demand for indentured servants may have fallen. However, most debtor prisons were still in service when indentured servitude disappeared and many regulations on indentured servitude were put in place well before the disappearance. Slaves were cheaper than unskilled servants. With paid labor you could fire an employee and not be out of cost of an indentured servant. White indentured servants were harder to capture compared to the African slaves if they ran away. Servitude laid the foundation of slavery, first in Virginia and then Barbados</p>
<p>With the beginning of political and economic change, indentured servitude fell out of favor and gave way to more favorable and cheaper slavery. With the quick increase in population immigration was not able keep up to the demand of servants. The price for a servant increased to 60% in some locations but this did not affect the people coming to the colonies.<a title=""><sup><sup>[8]</sup></sup></a> The servants were still given the same amount for their services and the cost for bring them to the colonies stayed the same; the only thing that changed was the demand. The captains of the ship did not take this into consideration so there was no incentive for people to come to the colonies.<a title=""><sup><sup>[9]</sup></sup></a></p>
<p>Servitude at the beginning was a rite of passage for new immigrants traveling to the colonies. People in servitude did their best at starting new homes by making farms and plantations in hopes of making the new land viable. Servitude actually left a bigger legacy as they helped make America distinctly known as the land of opportunity.</p>
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<p><a title=""><sup><sup>[1]</sup></sup></a> David W. Galenson, “The Rise and Fall of Indentured Servitude in the Americas: An Economic Analysis” .<em>The Journal of Economic History, Vol. 44, No. 1 (Mar., 1984), pp. 9</em></p>
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<p><a title=""><sup><sup>[2]</sup></sup></a> Mathew Pursell, “Colonial Servitude And The “Unfree” Origins Of America.” <em>Southern Studies: An Interdisciplinary Journal of the South</em>, Spring/Summer 2014): 55-85.</p>
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<p><a title=""><sup><sup>[3]</sup></sup></a> David Silverman, “The Impact of Indentured Servitude on the Society and Culture of Southern New England Indians 1680-1810.” <em>The New England Quarterly</em> 74, no. 4 (2001): 622-66.</p>
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<p><a title=""><sup><sup>[4]</sup></sup></a> John Sansbury, "Indian Labor in Early Rhode Island." <em>The New England Quarterly</em> 48, no. 3 (1975): 378-93</p>
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<p><a title=""><sup><sup>[5]</sup></sup></a> Ibid.</p>
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<p><a title=""><sup><sup>[6]</sup></sup></a> Merril D. Smith, “<em>Encyclopedia of Rape</em>.” Greenwood Publishing Group, 2004, 150-160.</p>
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<p><a title=""><sup><sup>[7]</sup></sup></a> William Eddis, “Letters from America”<em>The Founders' Constitution,</em> 20 Sept. 1770, 17 Feb. 1772, Land 35--41, 63--65, http://press-pubs.uchicago.edu/founders/documents/v1ch15s6.html</p>
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<p><a title=""><sup><sup>[8]</sup></sup></a> Russell R. Menard, “From Servant to Freeholder: Status Mobility and Property Accumulation in Seventeenth - Century Maryland” 37-64, 10.2307/1923702</p>
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<p><a title=""><sup><sup>[9]</sup></sup></a> Galenson 11</p>
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<p style="text-align:center;" dir="ltr"><span>Bibliography</span></p>
<div dir="ltr"> </div>
<p dir="ltr"><span>David W. Galenson, “The Rise and Fall of Indentured Servitude in the Americas: An Economic Analysis” Cambridge University Press, March 1984</span></p>
<div dir="ltr"> </div>
<p dir="ltr"><span>Mathew Pursell, “Colonial Servitude And The “Unfree” Origins Of America.” Southern Studies: An Interdisciplinary Journal of the South, Spring/Summer 2014</span></p>
<div dir="ltr"> </div>
<p dir="ltr"><span>David Silverman, “The Impact Of Indentured Servitude on the Society and Culture of Southern New England Indians 1680-1810.” The New England Quarterly 74, no. 4 (2001)</span></p>
<div dir="ltr"> </div>
<p dir="ltr"><span> John Sansbury, "Indian Labor in Early Rhode Island." The New England Quarterly 48, no. 3 (1975)</span></p>
<p dir="ltr"><span>Mender, Russell R.“From Servant to Freeholder: Status Mobility and Property Accumulation in Seventeenth - Century Maryland.” The William and Mary Quarterly, 3rd Ser., Vol. 30, No.1 Chesapeake Society (January 1973), 37-64 </span></p>
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<p dir="ltr"><span> William Eddis, “Letters From America” 20 Sept. 1770, 17 Feb. 1772</span></p>
<p dir="ltr"><span>Merril D. Smith, “Encyclopedia of Rape.” Greenwood Publishing Group, 2004</span></p>
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Creator
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Ashley Brown
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University of Memphis
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November 30, 2016
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The Misfortune of Indentured Servants
Subject
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shipment and treatment of indentured servants
Description
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This is a first hand account by Gottlieb Mittelberger, who was a German schoolmaster and organist who traveled to Pennsylvania in 1750. He goes over the experiences he and others endured during travel to colonial America. The ships were extremely over packed with people, provisions, and supplies. Not only were their men and women, but there were also children, many of which had died during the journey.
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Gottlieb Mittelberger
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http://www.let.rug.nl/usa/documents/1600-1650/gottlieb-mittelberger-on-the-misfortune-indentured-servants.php
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University of Memphis
Date
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1750-1754
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© 1994-2012 GMW
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cb17c7cdd2d34d2fdf942ddbdf4892c9
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Nasty Women: Gendered Expectations versus Reality Regarding Sexuality and Law
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<p>Hoarding on ships, a variety of men, women, children as well as African slaves entered this new world for the first time, bringing old familiarities and ideologies with them. From the multitude of Europeans that came, forts and permanent residences were built, creating cities and towns. Brought to these new towns, forts and cities, ideologies such as gender ideology created a platform for the society within the colonies. With the fragility and instability of the young colonies, gendered expectations from this ideology were highly defined and needed to provide some form of consistency in an otherwise male-dominated society. Despite these expectations, the branching sexuality of women and men stretched beyond the stanch social rules and laws. Within early colonial North America, there is a clear separation of gendered expectations and reality regarding sexuality within the culture of different colonies. The division of expectations and reality within colonies such as Connecticut, Virginia as well as Philadelphia resulted from a combination of factors such as the ratio of men to women combating with the individual and residual cultures in the colonies. However, despite the differing cultures within the three different colonies, the gendering of laws and cultural expectations resulted overall in unequal treatment in the comparison of women and men over time.</p>
<p> The remaining patriarchal ideology as well as the need for families in the English colonies secured women’s place in society as wives. In the case with the Virginia Company, the lack of women in the majority male population made laws regarding women and marriage licenses more strict in nature. Especially with female servants, guidelines in their servant contract prevented them from outside marriage. In July 1619, legislators acknowledged the significant lack of wives and women within the colony. One of the two shipments to Virginia carried over 90 “marriageable” women, provided with lack of provisions to confirm their occupation as wives.<a title="" href="#_ftn1">[1]</a> This assumption was based off of the common connection with women to wives and gave them dependent legal status under their husband.<a title="" href="#_ftn2">[2]</a> Within more religion-oriented colonies such as Connecticut and Philadelphia, marriage and the family household was the most important social unit in colonial life as well as providing income for small families. The need for families in the English colonies drove women initially in the more male-dominated profit colonies such as Virginia as well as the more religion oriented Middle and New England colonies such as Philadelphia and Connecticut.</p>
<p> The ideal of a chaste, domestic wife was the expectation of a colonial woman at the time. In Literature, such as in <em>The Fortunes and Misfortunes of Moll Flanders</em> as well as the American Almanac in Philadelphia give an accurate of expectations and what was frowned upon in colonial society. In the first instance of print culture in Philadelphian colony, the American Almanac was filled with comedic stereotypes of good wives, terrible wives or the gender relations within marriage. From these comedic stories, it provided comedic relief as well as acknowledged the patriarchal overtones in marriage. Tales such as of <em>The Fortunes and Misfortunes of Moll Flanders </em>by Daniel Defoe perpetuated this idea of the advantageous sexual woman. In the tale, Defoe introduces his character “All the exploits of this lady of fame…stand as so many warnings to honest people to beware of them, intimating to them by what methods innocent people are drawn in…and by consequence how to avoid them.”<a title="" href="#_ftn4">[3]</a> In this quote, Defoe introduces his tale of this scandalous woman as an example of what not to do in society. From this negative portrayal of Moll Flanders, it secures the ideology of the “good wife” and what is to be expected of them. However, some aspects to colonial life went against the print gendered expectation of a subservient and good wife. The female ideal of a chaste bride With the high mortality rates in colonial living, adultery in the need of a securing a future spouse was not uncommon. In the account of Marie Drew of Virginia, who used her sexuality to her advantage while her husband was away, secured future husband prospects in likely case that she became a widow. In the court documents, it mentioned that: “her husband should chance not to come home or dye then he (the suitor, ‘young Powell’) was able to make her amends.”<a title="" href="#_ftn5">[4]</a> With the high mortality rates, adulterous actions such as Marie Drew’s were not uncommon. In comparison, these high expectations of women and wives were not always met in a desperate environment such as Colonial America.</p>
<p> However, in comparison of the acknowledgement of existing promiscuity and sexual relations, the punishments tended to more favorable towards the man. In relation to sexual crimes committed during this time period, the treatment of women in court varied; often the court punished and judged a woman’s testimony more severely if against a man’s. In the New England colonies as well as replicated in others, women who had fornicated and had a child, dealt with the punishment of the crime more severely than their male counterpart. In case of Sarah Hines 18 years old from Connecticut, she bore a child out of wedlock with Joseph Nettleton in 1723. Both went to court over ‘the sin of fornication’; Hines pleaded guilty where as Nettleton pleaded not guilty and was able to appeal his punishment.<a title="" href="#_ftn6">[5]</a> From this common case in Connecticut from 1723, the double standard involving sexual crimes such as fornication favored more towards the man and his dignity rather than the woman who had no husband. The case from the Connecticut references the vulnerability of single women especially female servants, who were poor, lacked domestic skills and/or were migrating alone. They were most susceptible to attacks against their sexuality as well as were punished more severely.<a title="" href="#_ftn7">[6]</a> In comparison, married women were treated more respectable in court cases and attacks because as a married woman, their husband’s actions are tied with them as well as his honor. However, regardless of marriage status, husbands publicly punished their wives, if they suspected that they were unfaithful. For example, in the Philadelphian colony, husbands would publically outcast their wives for suspected behavior as well as not even performing sexual misconduct of a wife was presented in 8% of the advertisements placed by Philadelphia husbands between 1726-1760.<a title="" href="#_ftn8">[7]</a> Overall, women, regardless of marriage status, were treated unequally in punishments in comparison to the men, who committed the same crimes.</p>
<p> With the creation of the New World colonies, the same old patriarchal ideology lingered into the newly founded English colonies. Based off of gender, colonial women succumbed to harsher punishments and more defined expectations. Despite those expectations and punishments, history has proven that the sexual exploitations of men and women were equal in nature, proving that the laws and societal norms did not hesitate several women in doing what they wanted sexually.</p>
<div> Footnotes <br clear="all" /><hr align="left" size="1" width="33%" /><div>
<p><a title="" href="#_ftnref1">[1]</a> Kathleen M. Brown, <em>Good Wives, Nasty Wenches & Anxious Patriarchs: Gender, Race and Power in Colonial Virginia (Chapel Hill and London: University of North Carolina Press, 1996), 80-81. </em></p>
</div>
<div>
<p><a title="" href="#_ftnref2">[2]</a> Karin A. Wulf, <em>Not All Wives: Women of Colonial Philadelphia</em> (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2000), 89.</p>
</div>
<div>
<p><a title="" href="#_ftnref4">[3]</a> Daniel Dofoe, <em>The Fortunes and Misfortunes of Moll Flanders.</em></p>
</div>
<div>
<p><a title="" href="#_ftnref5">[4]</a> Brown, <em>Good Wives, Nasty Wenches, & Anxious Patriarchs,</em> 96.</p>
</div>
<div>
<p><a title="" href="#_ftnref6">[5]</a> Cornelia Dayton, <em>Women Before the Bar: Gender, Law, and Society in Connecticut</em>, 1639-1789 (Williamsburg: University of North Carolina Press, 1995), 157.</p>
</div>
<div>
<p><a title="" href="#_ftnref7">[6]</a> Brown, <em>Good Wives, Nasty Wenches & Anxious Patriarchs,</em> 98.</p>
</div>
<div>
<p><a title="" href="#_ftnref8">[7]</a> Clare A. Lyons, <em>Sex Among the Rabble: An Intimate History of Gender and Power in the Age of Revolution, Philadelphia, 1730-1830</em> (Williamsburg: University of North Carolina Press, 2006), 26; PG, Aug. 29, 1745 Judith and Bryan Kennedy (Philadelphia) <br /><br /></p>
<p align="center">Bibliography</p>
<p align="center"> </p>
<p>Beverley, Robert, Susan Scott Parrish, Daphna Atias, Helen C. Rountree, and Culture Omohundro Institute of Early American History &. 2013. <em>The History and Present State of Virginia: A New Edition with an Introduction by Susan Scott Parrish</em>. Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 2013.</p>
<p> </p>
<p>Brown, Kathleen M. <em>Good Wives, Nasty Wenches, and Anxious Patriarchs: Gender, Race, and Power in Colonial Virginia</em>. Chapel Hill, University of North Carolina Press, 1996.</p>
<p><em> </em></p>
<p>Dayton, Cornelia Hughes.<em> Women Before the Bar: Gender, Law, and Society in Connecticut, 1639-1789. </em>Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1995.</p>
<p><em> </em></p>
<p>Defoe, Daniel. N.d. <em>The Fortunes & Misfortunes of the Famous Moll Flanders</em>. Champaign, Ill: Project Gutenberg, n.d. </p>
<p> </p>
<p>Hening, William Waller. 1823. <em>Statues at Large: A Collection of the Laws of Virginia, from the First Session of the Legislature, in the Year 1619. </em>Published for the Pursuant to an Act of the General Assembly of Virginia, New York.</p>
<p> </p>
<p>Lyons, Clare A. <em>Sex Among the Rabble: An Intimate History of Gender & Power in the Age of Revolution, Philadelphia, 1730-1830</em>. Chapel Hill: Published for the Omohundro Institute of Early American History and Culture, Williamsburg, Virginia, by the University of North Carolina Press, 2006.</p>
<p> </p>
<p>Wulf, Karen A. <em>Not All Wives: Women of Colonial Philadelphia</em>. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2005. </p>
</div>
</div>
Creator
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Laura Pepper
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University of Memphis
Date
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11/30/2016
Subject
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Gendered expectations, sexuality, Colonial America, Philadelphia, Connecticut, Virginia, law, court
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"Portrait of a Woman"
Description
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Portrait of a colonial woman by Wenceslaus Hollar, a famous portraitist at the time
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Wenceslaus Hollar
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http://www.npg.org.uk/collections/search/portrait/mw68297/Unknown-woman-Spring?set=161%3BHollar+etchings&search=ap&rNo=4#comments
Date
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1641
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National Portrait Gallery, London
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A colonial woman.
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University of Memphis.
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https://d1y502jg6fpugt.cloudfront.net/27714/archive/files/aa4cc41380cdb091e05ba69d8961a430.jpg?Expires=1712793600&Signature=vyZzhXKiljcUbKYpR2%7ECNbpPYnQ0GEFJYrXJ-bxmHXqKueSI0MKBvmKQhMtLV7NUdiO%7E%7EdRLZ5%7EsEWfmIWMPxjjop6E48q---ivaOsaSps1rTyX7NRjbu1vUMbV4Ik-RfggEAHnkmtX5PMZMVCBu7AsrejmYrhdZXYp1%7EOE9LTJSr-imf%7Ezk0mu8DyoN5rwSi5uFoF8779bNHxkXxJqqEcvJn4u4IdEnhgM7a70sXxKyfnCbDbO8tLjhYtWOi7zUGGncajryPGOdWpW-EsVDWtHGIJxza4aH6BOKtxC69OVKTw9t0eVXROSztWGT3dT%7EfMUzgbIpOB9pW3UlDfk-UA__&Key-Pair-Id=K6UGZS9ZTDSZM
78e9984701171a468f9be4fc0e6b5fb7
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Title
A name given to the resource
Poisoning or Demons?
Subject
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Salem Witch Trials, Ergot Poisoning, Colonial America, Massachusetts
Description
An account of the resource
<p> During the late 1600s, the English-colonist were still trying to find their purpose in the New World. This led to strain and conflict in some of the colonies between colonizers and the natives. In some cases, this strain was turned between the colonists themselves. This was true in Salem, Massachusetts. In Salem towards the end of 1692 and the beginning of 1693, there was a devastating turn of events. This short time frame is known as the Salem witch crisis, a time where people were accused and put to death for being a witch. This time in Salem was terrifying for its residents. People were accusing people they didn’t like or trust. Salem was not a phenomenon that was the first of its kind. In fact, all over Europe, this was a trend throughout the 1500s. In Matossian’s article, she wrote about how in the 1500s the symptoms of ergot were blamed on witches. [<sup>3]</sup> Nonetheless, this was a several months span of false accusations ran rampant in the court and church of Salem. There are many assumptions about why these accusations were made. New Englanders thought that there were actual people that were possessed by demons and practiced the dark magic. There is also a valid explanation, that is widely believed today, to why the people of Salem were accused of being witches, that is rye ergot poisoning. Rye ergot is the culprit to the reasons that people in Salem Massachusetts, not demonic possession. </p>
<p> To understand what rye ergot is and how it affected the town of Salem, Massachusetts, there needs to be an understanding of the social makeup of Salem, it’s location and the type of agriculture in the area. Salem is located on the east coast of Massachusetts just north of Boston. This geographic location is important because for ergot to grow it needs to be in a place that has cold winters with warm and damp springs. The other aspect that needs to be taken into consideration is the social structure in Salem during this time influenced who was accused, and who did the accusing. Salem Massachusetts was led by Puritans during the late 1600s. They were mainly a religion-based society that allowed ministers to have political and economic control over its residents.<a title="">[1]</a> This led to many ministers preaching about this problem of witches in town. The more ministers taught about the devil and witches, and the more that they told the citizens that they could find safety in God, the more control these ministers had over the citizens of Salem. As this grew ministers could use this witch trial to build wealth by the tithes and offerings that the Bible teaches about.1 The population of Salem was between five hundred and six hundred people in 1692.<a title="">[2]</a> The social make up of Salem played a role in the reasons why the witch trials even existed. </p>
<p> Salem is in eastern Massachusetts, just north of Boston, where there is a cold winter followed by a damp spring. This is where ergot thrives.3 Rye ergot is a fungus that forms hallucinogenic drugs in bread.<a title="">[3]</a> Mary Matossian, an associate professor at the University of Maryland, did a study on ergot poisoning. This study found that the symptoms of the poisoning were the same as the plague.3 During this wet season in the spring, ergot would “replace seeds of susceptible cereals and plants intended for human and animal diets.<a title="">[4]</a> After these fungi took the place of the seed and was processed it was ground up with the rest of the rye grain. Matossian’s study showed that the plague spread quicker in areas that the diet consisted of rye bread and places where the weather was conducive to rye ergot growth.3 Rye ergot entered the body when colonists ingested the grain baked into bread or eaten as cereal. Once the ergot fungus was in the body it caused “hallucinations, twitches, and spasms, cardiovascular trouble, and stillborn children.”[3] The hallucinations, twitching, and spastic movement was received by the locals of Salem as being possessed by the devil. This is seen in the example of Sarah Bishop who, in her hallucinations, she saw children lying on the floor pleading for vengeance.<a title="">[5]</a> She shows all the symptoms of ergot poisoning. She even had miscarriages. This is just one example of many that describe hallucinations and strange behavior. To further show that the cause of the witch hunts was not invoked from actual demonic possession Matossian’s study shows that “witch hunts hardly occurred where people did not eat rye.”3 Now that there is a brief understanding of what rye ergot is and how it forms and the effects that it has on the body. This is a more valid reason to the “hallucinations, twitching, and spasms” that were witnessed by the colonists. </p>
<p> Previously stated, Salem Massachusetts is a small town just north of Boston, led by a central focus on Protestant beliefs. This little town was like most New England towns in the colonial era, centered around houses, farms, and churches. The churches played major roles in the life of the citizens of Salem. The church was not just a place where people would go on Sundays to get guidance and learn how to be forgiven of sins. It was a place that people felt at home, and when someone feels at home they tend to listen intently to what their father says. This is exactly what happened. In the Gospel of Matthew 12:22 “Then was brought to him one possessed with a devil, blind, and dumb: and he healed him, so that the blind and the dumb both spoke and saw.” This is one of the scriptures that Pastor Samuel Parris would use to show the people of the church that the “possessions” evident in some Salem residents were the work of the devil, but there was hope in God because He could save them. Part of the reason of why the “witch” aspect of these few months ran rampant was because the work that Samuel Parris did. Seth Ragosta wrote a brief history about Samuel Parris while he was an undergraduate at the University of Virginia. In his excerpt, he states, “Parris' preaching had a major hand in creating the divisions within the village that contributed to the accusations of 1692.”<a title="">[6]</a> Preachers were looked at as role models that would always lead by example. Parris was one of the major “witnesses” in the trials because he was seen as a trustworthy figure. Religious leaders such as ministers would sometimes evoke hysteria to affect the outcome at churches.1 This was used to increase their wealth and their power over people. Rather than finding the cause of the spastic twisting of the body or the hallucinations the minister in Salem used it for personal gain. </p>
<p> Although Salem residents thought the afflicted in their midst were possessed by a demon, modern studies show that these people may have been affected by a type of poisoning. Their bodies contorted in pain as they hallucinated and murmured. People that were tried and later killed for being a witch were falsely accused. With no prior knowledge of science and rye ergot poisoning witchcraft seemed like a valid answer in a Puritan community where there was an understanding of Hell and demonic presence. Yet, there were cases that show a direct correlation to ergot poisoning symptoms and how a person from this era would describe someone that was “possessed”. </p>
<p> In conclusion, there are speculations on the cause of the witch-like behavior. The Puritans of the town of Salem argued that it was due to being possessed by the devil, while some modern historians and scientist alike, claim it was a fungus, rye ergot, that when consumed would cause hallucinations, twitching, and stillborn babies. Even with all these correlations between the symptoms of ergot poisoning and being possessed. Nonetheless, one argument can still be made. Was the devil in Massachusetts in the early 1690s, or was it this hallucinogenic fungus?</p>
<div style="text-align:center;"><br clear="all" />Footnotes<br /><br /><hr align="left" size="1" width="33%" /><div>
<p style="text-align:left;"> [1] Ernest W. King, and Franklin G. Mixon, "Religiosity and the Political Economy of the Salem Witch Trials." <em>The Social Science Journal</em> 47, no. 3 (2010): 678-88.<br />[2] "The Salem Witchcraft Site." Salem Village History Accessed November 02, 2016. http://www.tulane.edu/~salem/Salem and Village.html.</p>
</div>
<div>
<p style="text-align:left;"> [3] John Lienhard, "No. 1037: Rye Ergot and Witches." No. 1037: Accessed November 02, 2016. http://www.uh.edu/engines/epi1037.htm.<br />[4] Luca Dellafiora, Chiara Dall’Asta, and Pietro Cozzini. "Ergot Alkaloids: From Witchcraft till in Silico Analysis. Multi-receptor Analysis of Ergotamine Metabolites." <em>Toxicology Reports</em> 2 (2015): 535-45.<br /><a title="">[5]</a> John "Hale, Sarah Bishop". The Salem Witchcraft Papers, Volume 1. Accessed November 02, 2016.<br /><a title="">[6]</a> Seth Ragosta, “Salem Witch Trials in History and Literature. Important Persons in the Salem Court Records”. Accessed November 1, 2. http://salem.lib.virginia.edu/people?group.num=&mbio.num=mb39#top.</p>
</div>
</div>
Creator
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Andrew Albonetti
Publisher
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University of Memphis
Date
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11/30/ 2016
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Title
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Trial of two Witches
Description
An account of the resource
This image is an illustration created by Howard Pyle of a court/church room where a trial is taking place. Two women are being accused by another woman of being a witch.
Creator
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Howard Pyle
Source
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https://www.granger.com/results.asp?image=0015225&itemw=4&itemf=0001&itemstep=1&itemx=10
Publisher
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The University of Memphis
Rights
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© 2016 Granger - Historical Picture Archive. The Granger Collection. All rights reserved
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https://d1y502jg6fpugt.cloudfront.net/27714/archive/files/2aebf49c11dc31983292cef5c7205902.pdf?Expires=1712793600&Signature=NjGl6WBZL7pO4NlTmL95cJigzaT80Kcp6kqRAMAvR5XKu35dh-2TE0pfNiPF4uqSxE9U1ahRrmJ5z8XOL7NhnZQQpsQqn2i7yCM7ocS5VRl-ErgpdKMChygZ8Fti2Y7LEEv1dis-HHxBj1EeBHP6eRwN8IhRmNv%7Eh%7EeR1KtZdTBzQgyKcU6CxhBMKnx-nSUMursz5sVqvUAG4QE6d6UicDlhOr4XuHLYByhqc8KLzLgHbcNpYcZfLFu3Wx%7EEkb06P6OqIrt3J6%7E9eYwMgSS5wzQIheXhEVhEhkv-vRX%7EXDKsV-lwiUIvRuK44BmuRYXw3nACnb%7EqmMudb3PD51QFcg__&Key-Pair-Id=K6UGZS9ZTDSZM
7deb15909010b79f6a0dccfccdce69df
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Sir Thomas Dale to the president and counsell of the companie of adventurers and planters in Virginia
Subject
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Virginia
History
Colonial period, ca. 1600-1775
Description
An account of the resource
“Sir Thomas Dale to the president and counsell of the companie of adventurers and planters in Virginia” is a letter that was written by Sir Thomas Dale to the Virginia Company in England about the state of the colonies upon his arrival in 1611. Dale was the Governor of the Virginia colony in 1611. He arrived in Jamestown following the aftermath of the Starving Time and provided leadership for the rebuilding of the colony during his 3 ½ months of being acting Governor. Dale then served as Marshall of the colony and then from 1614-1616 he again served as Governor.
Creator
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Thomas Dale
Source
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University of Virginia Library Special Collections
Publisher
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The University of Memphis
Date
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May 25, 1611
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Image belongs to the University of Virginia Library Special Collections.
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https://d1y502jg6fpugt.cloudfront.net/27714/archive/files/05178364dcf86353a3feced1a7b7d742.pdf?Expires=1712793600&Signature=p4CkfVg4kf%7EqMpljRI0DteDoiexKHjS-2Q9iwgWbqxuERlRldFimJ5QKvKRQs--YJDkXgLTDojXgXjSPfbwt-Th7V5fL6pwMPH5TeOO-X495J4gR23SEj0gGtscptYIKjB3KIw1hTXm7JQX4Z%7EShl8bEa2-y3MsiLIsHZ0ygOW2WBGhG8-2I8TDwMtW0s%7Etv864FBRFsTbQJZ-ya3eAewgXU3pwY1XSwz6dkpyXOsac8rbKhDZSMfF1OBjuKyNkzDNsDsHvUW30a353wzOX4i8RLnlp6r2DOvexqqn4M4aQF4MP0vN6MeqUhHw2GRdkEKsTmhBDOH8Ep2CZUVYUDAw__&Key-Pair-Id=K6UGZS9ZTDSZM
0a17ea9f84e403613d9b1e4c28278e1e
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“A Prequel to The French and Indian War”
Subject
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French and Indian War
Description
An account of the resource
<p> </p>
<p> </p>
<p align="center">“<em>A Prequel to The French and Indian War</em>”</p>
<p>When we think of colonial America prior to the Revolutionary War, it is very hard to not think about the conflicts that eventually led to this monumental event. One of these conflicts was the French and Indian War (or the Seven Years War as known in Europe), a monumental affair that would solidify British rule in North America and see our first president gain prestige for his military service during the war. This war saw colonial forces drafted en masse against a French adversary that had secured critical alliances with several Native American tribes. Of course, most historians already know about the course of the war and how the war ended, but the causes and motivations for the war can still be examined. How could such a conflict occur in the colonies in the first place? This author argues that The French and Indian War was already set to happen as a variety of military and political factors had already taken hold in colonial North America, with the construction of fortifications, tensions between the British and French, and disputed colonial borders directly paving a path to war.</p>
<p> Prior to 1753, North America existed in a sort of “flux”, there were several areas of territory between the English colonies and the French colonies that were largely “disputed”. Both the French and British had territorial claims across the region, along with some very conflicting claims (some of which most notably being in the Ohio valley). To the British, the French occupation of such territories was a slight against the British Crown, while to the French, the British had no right to claim territories that were seen as “French”. This territorial dispute was one of many between the French and the British, as both nations had already been in a series of on-and-off conflicts between each other, with one of the more notable conflicts being the war of Spanish succession just a few years prior to the outbreak of the French and Indian War. Relations between the two were far from warm and both sides had quite a bit to lose in the Americas (particularly the French), such as the fur trade and other resources that needed to be protected.</p>
<p> For the 1700s onward in North America the French had worked with the Native Americans to exploit the fur trade. Unwilling to give concessions to the other side, the French began constructing a series of fortifications across disputed territories inside the Ohio valley to both protect this trade and clearly define French influence in the region. This of course drew the ire of the British, who were none too pleased with the presence of French fortifications in their territory. The colonial governors felt great unease with the presence of these fortifications; one of the more notable governors was Governor Horatio Sharpe of Maryland. “The French it seems claim to the very Fountain Heads of Monongahela, Youghyoghgyina & all the Streams flowing into Ohio or Mississippi, so that their Pretensions extend to a great number of Acres within this Province which I am afraid no Person will be prevailed on to take up till the French be obliged to relinquish the Forts they have already built on those Rivers. Pensilvania will lose a vast quantity of Land if their incroachments are not suppressed & prevented”.<a title="">[1]</a></p>
<p> These fortifications were a major issue for the British, and Governor Sharpe was not at all happy with their presence. The British had already laid claim to much of the areas in dispute, and the lure of the fur trade along with the other resources that could be exploited in the Ohio valley were areas of concern for the Crown. This, however, was just one factor behind the outbreak of the war. For much of the early 1700s the French had worked with the Native Americans in this region to exploit the fur trade, which at the time was an extremely profitable market for those European powers that had access to it. This had led to the French crafting alliances with native powers to ensure that their trade stayed undisturbed. The British recognized this, and as a counter effort to French influence, tried to form alliances with the Iroquois and other Native tribes that were against the French for a variety of reasons. A notable example of this at work can be found in Governor Dinwiddie’s correspondence to the Iroquois. The correspondence stated:</p>
<p>“I rec’d by the Hands of Mr. A. Mountour, the three Belts of W[ampum], w’ch You desired to be ret’d at the Congress at Albany. The French Invading Y’r hunting Grounds on the Ohio, took up all my Time to prevent their settling there, and agreeable to Y’r desire, to assist and protect Y’r F’ds and Allies on y’t river, w’ch I have to the utmost of my Power on this pres’t Invasion of the French and their Ind’s done, and [I] am always ready to help any of the Tribes of Ind’s y’t are in Amity and F’dship with You. I now return the above three Belts of Wampum, and desire to assure You y’t I shall, on all occasions, be glad to keep the Chain of F’dship between us bright, and to live in brotherly Love and F’dship with You, our Allies, while the Sun and Moon gives Us Light. In testimony of the Truth thereof, I present You with this Belt of Wampum.”.<a title="">[2]</a></p>
<p>By aligning themselves with friendly native peoples, both the French and British had access to groups of people that could prove to be vital allies should tensions erupt into conflict. Dinwiddie like many other leaders in the area pushed for Native cooperation. This only served to escalate tensions between the two powers. All these grievances combined would finally lead to the British sending an expedition to the French demanding their withdrawal, and a young George Washington was one of the few survivors of this tragic affair.</p>
<p> So, when we look at the fortifications mentioned in the previous paragraphs along with the trade competition (along with the less than amicable British response), it is pretty to see why exactly the British would send a force to eject the French from the contested Ohio valley. This would all finally lead to Colonel Washington receiving the following correspondence:</p>
<p>“WHEREAS, the Fr. have unjustly invaded H. M’y’s Lands on the Ohio, and have sent flying Parties of Fr. and Ind’s to rob and murder our back Settlers to the Westw’d, w’ch the Legislature of Y’s Dom’n hav’g seriously taken into their Considerat’n and voted Money for the Protect’n of our Frontiers and for conduct’g the necessary Expedit’n to drive the Fr. from the Ohio. In Consequence thereof I have granted Comissions for rais’g sixteen Compa’s of Men to be form’d into a Regim’t. The Com’d of w’ch Regim’t, together with all the Forces that now are or may be employ’d in the Co’try Service, being given to You. You are, as soon as possible, to use Y’r utmost Endeavours to compleat the s’d Regim’t by send’g the officers to recruit in the different Counties of y’s Dom’n, as You shall see most convenient, leav’g six to do Duty with the Men who remain at F’t Cumb’l’d…”<a title="">[3]</a></p>
<p>The British finally had enough with the French in the Ohio valley. Orders of mobilization had begun and General Edward Braddock’s army marched to demand that the French leave the region. Years of tensions seen in Europe were finally about to come to a head in the Americas, and from a colonial perspective the battle lines had already been drawn. Closing a chapter of colonial history and opening a new one, the French and Indian War began.</p>
<p> So, in conclusion, the path to war between the French and British in the colonies had already been laid out by a mixture of political and economic factors. The ambiguity as to who owned the disputed Ohio valley and other territories, along with the construction of fortifications and the declining relationship between the protestant British and the Catholic French set up what was to become the French and Indian War. By looking at “why” the war happened (in the colonies at least) we can finally gain a better understanding of the dynamics that led to the war between these two great powers.</p>
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<p><a title="">[1]</a> William Browne, Editor., <em>Correspondence of Governor Horatio Sharpe</em>, Volume I. 1753-1757 (Baltimore: Maryland Historical Society 1888)</p>
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<p><a title="">[2]</a> R.A. Brock, editor., <em>The Official Records of Robert Dinwiddie</em>, Volume I. Pg. 312. (Richmond: Virginia Historical Society, 1883)</p>
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<p><a title="">[3]</a> Jared Sparks, editor., <em>The Writings of George Washington</em>, Volume II. Pages 184-186. (Boston: Charles Tappan, 1846)<br />________________________________________________<br /> Works Cited</p>
<p>William Browne, Editor., Correspondence of Governor Horatio Sharpe, Volume I. 1753-1757 (Baltimore: Maryland Historical Society 1888)</p>
<p>R.A. Brock, editor., The Official Records of Robert Dinwiddie, Volume I. Pg. 312. (Richmond: Virginia Historical Society, 1883)</p>
<p>Jared Sparks, editor., The Writings of George Washington, Volume II. Pages 184-186. (Boston: Charles Tappan, 1846)</p>
<p>Anderson Fred. Crucible of War: The Seven Years’ War and the Fate of Empire in British North America, 1754-1766. London: Faber & Faber, 2000. Print.</p>
<p>Hrdlicka, James F.1. "The Attachment of the People": The Massachusetts Charter, the French and Indian War, and the Coming of the American Revolution." New England Quarterly 89, no. 3 (September 2016): 384-420. Humanities Full Text (H.W. Wilson), EBSCOhost (accessed October 19, 2016).</p>
<p>Gandulla, Stephanie, and Lawrence Edward Babits. The Archaeology of French and Indian War Frontier Forts. Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2014. eBook Collection (EBSCOhost), EBSCOhost (accessed October 17, 2016).</p>
<p>Englebert, Robert, and Guillaume Teasdale. French and Indians in the Heart of North America, 1630-1815. East Lansing: Michigan State University Press, 2013. eBook Collection (EBSCOhost), EBSCOhost (accessed October 14, 2016).</p>
<p>Marston, Daniel. The French-Indian War, 1754-1760. New York: Taylor & Francis [CAM], 2003. eBook Collection (EBSCOhost), EBSCOhost (accessed October 16, 2016).</p>
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Creator
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Jeffrey Cunningham
Publisher
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University of Memphis
Date
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11/30/2016
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Title
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Instructions for George Washington
Subject
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Instructions, Washington, French
Description
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This source talks about Washington’s orders for dealing with the French in the Ohio Valley. It mostly talks on recruitment and things related to that. Part of the West Virginia Achieves.
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Unknown
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Sparks, Jared. The Writings of George Washington, Volume II. (Boston: Charles Tappan, 1846) 184-186
http://www.wvculture.org/history/frenchandindian/dinwiddie03.html
Publisher
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University of Memphis
Date
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c.1750s
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Jared Sparks
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Charles Tappan, 1846