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a45df6933646e90dff75fd2e0227d6cb
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A Letter Home From Massachusetts Bay in 1631
Description
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This primary document is a letter and a first-hand account of life for indentured servitudes, and draws parallels between the treatment of indentured servants and slavery. It also provides a look into the difficulties of settling the New World. In this instance, this person describes their high and difficult workload.
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___Pond
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Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, 2nd Series, vol. 8 (Boston, 1892–1894), 471–73.
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1631
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Massachusetts Historical Society
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indentured servitude, migration, colonies, labor
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University of Memphis
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History Matters, http://historymatters.gmu.edu/d/5787
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Title
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The Influence of the Iroquois League
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Iroquois, English, French, Geography, Culture, Diplomacy, Military
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<p> During a time of devastation and hardship that was to come as the Europeans brought their ambitions of God, Gold, and Glory to the Americas, one group of Native Americans managed to overcome the obstacles and even, in some cases, benefit from their arrival. The Iroquois League originally encompassed five groups of villagers who spoke related languages and were settled in the land of Iroquoia-present-day Upstate New York. The group consisted of the Mohawks, Oneidas, Onondagas, Cayugas, and the Senecas and were later on joined by the Tuscaroras in the eighteenth century.<a title="">[1]</a> The Iroquois League took advantage of their geographic location during the time of European colonization, being in between the French and English (who took over the role of the Dutch) in the Northeast as well as cultural advantages that allowed for the Iroquois to adapt at a faster rate.<a title="">[2]</a> The Iroquois League was highly influential as well, with many letters being documented from French and English sources asking for aid militarily as well as sources attributing political thought to the League. At a time when Native groups quickly fell to the might of the European colonizers, the Six Nations was an outlier as they managed to hold the upper hand and keep the Europeans powers at bay for an unprecedented amount of time. <br /> <br /> Geographic location played an important role in allowing the Iroquois League to adapt and overcome these new ordeals brought by the colonizers. This geographical advantage that the Iroquois had made for three key factors. First, the Iroquoia’s confederacy sat atop of many of the important trade routes in the Northeast. This gave the Iroquois League an advantage by allowing them access both to European colonial markets and the sources of the peltries that the colonizers demanded.<a title="">[3]</a> Even with this key advantage, many native people dwelled along the trade routes apart from the Five Nations, and even with their better access to the colonial goods and peltries, they rapidly lost their economic and political independence. Moreover, their inland location placed the peoples of the Longhouse at a sufficient distance from centers of European expansion to allow them to adapt to changed circumstances before being assailed by epidemics and overrun by colonists, missionaries, and other interlopers.<a title="">[4]</a> Even so, Hurons of the Georgian Bay region had been destroyed by various factors such as disease, economic dependence on French traders, political and cultural controversies spawned by French missionaries, and attacks by ancient Iroquois enemies. This led to the third, and arguably the most effective, factor that the Iroquois League benefitted from. Not only was their geographic location atop trade routes and inland, it also sat in between the major European powers. From the early seventeenth century on they stood between the last two competing colonial centers: the French on the St. Lawrence and Dutch on the Hudson, who were later replaced by the English of New York. Access to alternative markets and imperial centers gave the Iroquois League maneuvering room to preserve their independence and keep Europeans at a safe distance in ways many of their neighbors could not.</p>
<p> Culturally, three connected factors allowed for Iroquoia sustenance Much like other native groups in the location, the Iroquois were horticultural villagers, thus protected from an immediate overturn of traditional methods of subsistence because of altered hunting patterns inspired by trade with the Europeans for furs did not. Like other native societies, the Iroquois dealt with depopulation in their society by acquiring captives in mourning wars. Here their geographic location gave them the political and economic advantage to be far more successful in sustenance than their neighbors. The final advantage was the Iroquois Great League of Peace and Power. It fostered the acceptance of diverse peoples of varying speech and customs while providing a rock of traditional rituals to which the peoples of the Longhouse could cling on to as they adapted to new ways of life.<a title="">[5]</a></p>
<p> The latter half of the eighteenth century saw a decline in power from the Iroquois league. Following the Seven Years war, the confederacy was fragmented.<a title="">[6]</a> It was during this time that the Iroquois began to participate in a form of shrewd diplomacy. The Iroquois League wrongly claimed that all land east of the Mississippi River belonged to them when it did not; this land belonged to the people of the Ohio Country. The Iroquoia did so because it benefitted both indigenous peoples and Europeans alike. In acting as the official negotiators, the Iroquois could reap the material and strategic benefits that came with being seen as an indispensable ally to the British, and the Crown was able to gain territory. With the conflict in Europe at an end, however, the Iroquois needed further resources in order to ensure a future for themselves. With both the Crown and the Iroquois League in need of land, both parties turned their attention to the highly coveted Ohio Country which covered tens of millions of acres. Both parties knew that with the alliance of the British and Iroquois League, wherever the Iroquois could establish their authority so, too, might the British colonial system be extended. The British believed that in doing so this would lead to an effective trade network being established that would allow for buying and selling of land, as well as its improvement.<a title="">[7]</a> Ultimately, this plan did not go as anticipated. Because the Iroquois League’s power was declining and with their authority spread so thin, they were unable to effectively rein in their Ohio “brothers” and “cousins.”<a title="">[8]</a> This was not to be the end of Iroquoia diplomatic powers however, as can be seen in the process that ultimately ended with the signing of the Treaty of Fort Stanwix in 1768. Fort Stanwix sat in the Oneida Carry and despite setbacks in its preparation, by 1768 the fort had been operational for nearly a decade. Even before its completion, the fort served as protection to more than four hundred soldiers during the winter of 1758-1759.<a title="">[9]</a> It was here, during negotiations with the Six Nations, that the British were able to secure the largest land succession in colonial North America. At this point, the main priority for the Iroquois was to gain security, but they would not do so while agreeing to terms that would harm them. In fact, it was the negotiators on behalf of the Six Nations who wielded the power to finalize the agreement. The Iroquois demanded the treaty acknowledge their land claim that extended down to the Cherokee River.<a title="">[10]</a> With the acceptance of Iroquois land claims, the Six Nations agreed to opening up the Ohio Country to settlement (ignoring the self-interested Ohio Iroquois of whom they tried to reign in previously). Apart from just security, the Iroquois League collected a king’s ransom at the treaty of Fort Stanwix and momentarily alleviated European encroachment on eastern Iroquois homelands as the Europeans focused on settling their new lands in the Ohio Country.<a title="">[11]</a></p>
<p> European colonizers needed the Iroquois League for more than just trade and diplomacy. By gaining the upper hand through trade, the Iroquois were the most powerful native group in the Northeast during this time. As European conflicts escalate outside of the North American continent, there was little attention paid to the colonies. The West Indies were identified as the Crown’s jewels in the Americas, so if problems were to erupt their attention was focused more so there than in present day America. In order to ensure their safety, the Iroquois League was needed. Governor Hunter’s letter addressing the Five Nations at the time stresses this fact. His letter explains to the Five Nations that so long as they uphold their agreement of keeping the peace amongst one another and coming to the protection of the British if needed, the King will ensure his good will and safety to them as well as being gifted a handsome reward. <a title="">[12]</a> The letter was one of reassurance for the British, making sure they are adequately defended and prepared in case of an attack from the French or French allied natives. For a European power to formally call upon the Iroquois League in this manner is a testament to the latter’s strength. A direct request to use the might of the Iroquois League came from a letter by Richard Ingoldesby. Here he calls upon the Five Nations to participate in a land raid against the French in Canada. To convince them, Ingoldesby cites numerous times when the French showed themselves to be true enemies to the Iroquois and enticed them by describing how their shamans would sing war songs while clasping the hands of the British as a sign of their commitment. <a title="">[13]</a> In the letter Ingoldesby discusses the issue of the Senecas who have joined sides with French as they have fallen under the influence of the Jesuits. This shows that it was not only the British in need of the Iroquois but the French could benefit from them as well.</p>
<p> The founding of the United States has the markings of Iroquois principles scattered throughout. In 1751, Benjamin Franklin wrote to James Parker discussing the advantageous of forming a union of their own. In it Franklin shows amazement of how “Six Nations of ignorant savages would be capable of forming a scheme for such a union, and be able to execute it in such a manner as that it has subsisted ages and appears indissoluble.” <a title="">[14]</a> Franklin goes on to mention that a union of English colonies would serve a better purpose. Essentially, Franklin was planting the seeds of revolution by seeing hope in the way the Iroquois operated. The Iroquois influenced the founding fathers as they looked to create a new government. The Iroquois League and the colonies both were in the same geographic region, and with the Iroquois League predating the colonies by some five hundred years, it may not be so unusual that the political system that the founders agreed upon shared many similar characteristics as the Longhouse. <a title="">[15]</a> The Iroquois influenced the American union in two ways: the direct advice spoken to the creators of the Articles of Confederation and the Constitution by Iroquois spokesman, through the force of example exerted by Iroquois political practices that American leaders observed and used as models in devising a new system of government.<a title="">[16]</a> The Iroquois League practiced a type of politics that saw a central government with limited powers and substantially autonomous local governments. John Adams noted “the form of government of the ancient Germans and modern Indians…the existence of three divisions of power is marked with a precision that excludes all controversy". <a title="">[17]</a> The idea of separation of powers coming from the “modern Indians” is an ode to the Iroquois League as there were no other native groups that the Americans could have directly observed in their area.<a title="">[18]</a></p>
<p> The Iroquois League’s influence in North America was unprecedented among other native groups. Through their geographic location and cultural practice, they could exploit European counterparts and benefit greatly from trade as well as adapt to the drastic changes that were occurring. Their power led them to be sought after both by diplomatic means as well as sheer force. Arguably their most important influence came in the forming of this country itself, with very clear traces of Iroquois principles present in the United States government as well as famous American’s such as Benjamin Franklin and John Adams both crediting the Iroquois on an aspect of government that was to be adopted.</p>
<div><br clear="all" /><hr align="left" size="1" width="33%" /><div>
<p><a title="">[1]</a> Daniel K. Richter, <em>The Ordeal of the Longhouse: The Peoples of the Iroquois League in the Era of European Colonization </em>(University of North Carolina Press, Chapel Hill London, 1992), 1.</p>
</div>
<div>
<p><a title="">[2]</a> Richter, <em>The Ordeal of the Longhouse</em>, 2.</p>
</div>
<div>
<p><a title="">[3]</a> Richter, <em>The Ordeal of the Longhouse</em>, 2.</p>
</div>
<div>
<p><a title="">[4]</a> Richter, <em>The Ordeal of the Longhouse</em>, 2-3.</p>
</div>
<div>
<p><a title="">[5]</a> Richter, <em>The Ordeal of the Longhouse</em>, 3.</p>
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<div>
<p><a title="">[6]</a> William J. Campbell, <em>Speculators in Empire: Iroquoia and the 1768 Treaty of Fort Stanwix </em>(University of Oklahoma Press: Norman, 2012), 69.</p>
</div>
<div>
<p><a title="">[7]</a> Campbell, <em>Speculators in Empire, </em>69</p>
</div>
<div>
<p><a title="">[8]</a> Campbell, <em>Speculators in Empire, </em>79</p>
</div>
<div>
<p><a title="">[9]</a> Campbell, <em>Speculators in Empire</em>, 139</p>
</div>
<div>
<p><a title="">[10]</a> Campbell, <em>Speculators in Empire</em>, 151</p>
</div>
<div>
<p><a title="">[11]</a> Campbell, <em>Speculators in Empire, </em>167</p>
</div>
<div>
<p><a title="">[12]</a> Robert Hunter, “Proposition to the Five Nations”</p>
</div>
<div>
<p><a title="">[13]</a> Richard Ingoldesby, “Proposition to the Mohawks, Oneidas, Onondagas, and Cayugas”</p>
</div>
<div>
<p><a title="">[14]</a> Benjamin Franklin on the Iroquois League, in a letter to James Parker, 1751</p>
</div>
<div>
<p><a title="">[15]</a> Elisabeth Tooker, “The United States Constitution and the Iroquois League,” Page 305</p>
</div>
<div>
<p><a title="">[16]</a> Samuel B Payne Jr, “The Iroquois League, the Articles of Confederation, and the Constitution,” 607</p>
</div>
<div>
<p><a title="">[17]</a> Payne, The Iroquois League, 608</p>
</div>
<div>
<p><a title="">[18]</a> Payne, The Iroquois League, 608-609</p>
</div>
</div>
<div><hr align="left" size="1" width="33%" /><div>
<div>
<p> </p>
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</div>
</div>
Creator
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Ibraheme Bayakly
Publisher
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University of Memphis
Date
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11/30/2016
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
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Benjamin Franklin's Letter to James Parker
Subject
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History, Politics, Thirteen Colonies, Iroquois League, Confederacy
Description
An account of the resource
In 1751, Benjamin Franklin wrote to James Parker discussing the advantageous of forming a union of their own. In it Franklin shows amazement of how “Six Nations of ignorant savages would be capable of forming a scheme for such a union, and be able to execute it in such a manner as that it has subsisted ages and appears indissoluble.” Franklin goes on to mention that a union of English colonies would serve a better purpose, meaning that if the more “civilized” British decided to split from the Crown, then they could use the Iroquois League’s method of governing and amplify it; hence him specifically mentioning the use of such a method on thirteen colonies as opposed to six nations. This letter was written at a time of growing distaste of the Crown by colonists due to its excessive interference in colonial life, whereas the colonists had little to no say in British government. Essentially, Franklin is planting the seeds of revolution by seeing hope in the way the Iroquois operate.
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Benjamin Franklin
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Smithsonian Institute
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University of Memphis
Date
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1751
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Smithsonian Center for Education and Museum Studies
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https://d1y502jg6fpugt.cloudfront.net/27714/archive/files/09dcf7709946a2d84aec298db6c170ac.jpeg?Expires=1712793600&Signature=YW1C3a6HcdQYIoVraJf1GCO6CD7e2sl%7EezX3eACrwGB%7E2EB7ypnD%7EfzHp%7Ez-H8HGEjGBJH0gXJX6urfQJHmx-6bvN2Vp9wVB%7Ewaa48hITHAYh3mXUBMYR62OEX%7E0CRs88m1FnkABK6Y8QVsa3%7E9dhND4-TTAUZ01b%7EhkGPv-W4hSCZddL3fkIIOm9hgAV1qYFMsmbqWNarJyPBXlZ%7EWYeWt80WM1tUbMX8-FiWopZNQHk8ewxfppl34LocOf%7E8prq31TI-qhEvnyqcLW8Ku3diBDPPU-n3igPE8EEM%7ELWHL3dF2NnoRiRi9n38bI-HMcinC0BqvsFeQGkP4ObFE2Mg__&Key-Pair-Id=K6UGZS9ZTDSZM
0ab8c29fb1909de17f3ca15bac2f8dcf
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
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"Observations upon the origin of the Malignant Bilious, or Yellow Fever in Philadelphia, and upon the Means of Preventing it: Addressed to the citizens of Philadelphia”
Subject
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Yellow Fever, Colonial America
Description
An account of the resource
This source addresses the issues representing yellow fever in Philadelphia. There were many concerns from Philadelphia. Benjamin Rush addressed every worry that the Philadelphians had. He answered all the questions they had about yellow fever in this article. These questions ranged from “Is it contagious?” to “Can Yellow Fever be imported?”
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Benjamin Rush
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Boston Medical Library
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The University of Memphis
Date
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November 30, 2016
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Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
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Making Enemies
Subject
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Savage Indian, Native American, Indian, European, myth
Description
An account of the resource
<p> </p>
Before Europeans began to colonize the New World, The Americas, they had already formed the image of the Savage Indian. It is this assumption by the explorers, traders, missionaries, and colonists that created the myth of the Savage Indian. This myth of the Savage Indian loomed over their interactions with Europeans creating a hostile relationship. It is this fear and hostility of the manufactured Savage Indian that transformed Native Americans into the object of those fears. The hostile treatment of natives created hostile natives. The myth was no longer just fearful paranoia projected by the imaginations of Europeans but they had now manufactured real Savage Indians. Europeans’ fear created a real Savage Indian and not the other way around; in which, the Savage Indian created European fears.<br /><br />For Native Americans, their role as savages began with European contact, but for Europeans it was an image which existed before they knew the Americas did.<a title="" href="#_ftn1">[1]</a> The ideas of savages and barbarians were not new concepts for Europeans before Columbus’s discovery of the New World. The term barbarian was used by the Greeks to describe the babbling speech of primitive tribes.<a title="" href="#_ftn2">[2]</a> The term savage which was more commonly used means of the woods or wild.<a title="" href="#_ftn3">[3]</a> This term persisted and was used to define unchristian behavior which was to suppress ones animalistic or wild urges. The term savage and barbarian were almost interchangeable in meaning to describe wild or primitive societies. As Christianity swept Europe, the term Christian would come to mean civilized and those of non-Christian faith would fall into the lumped category of uncivilized or savage and barbaric.<a title="" href="#_ftn4">[4]</a> For Europeans it became a matter of us versus them with the them being not Christians.<a title="" href="#_ftn5">[5]</a> Columbus thought he had landed in Asia or islands in Asia, which is why he would call Native Americans, los indios or Indians.<a title="" href="#_ftn6">[6]</a> This was a generic term, which at that time did not carry a negative connotation, but was used to describe people of Asia east of the Indus river. As far a Columbus is concerned, his geographical error in naming the natives Indians was far less damaging to their image.
<p> Shaping the myth of the Savage Indian in the minds of Europeans comes from Christopher Columbus’s initial reports in 1493. He spoke of their generosity and good nature. He describes them as free and lacking possessions. The initial descriptions of natives were ones of ease and gave way to the fantasies of European superiority with a sense of obligation to dominate or instruct primitive savages.<a title="" href="#_ftn7">[7]</a> He also provides the first negative images of natives as well. He describes them as naked, and worse cannibals.<a title="" href="#_ftn8">[8]</a> With the newly invented printing press in Europe information spread faster than ever before and to a larger audience.<a title="" href="#_ftn9">[9]</a> His accounts were reinforced in 1505 by Amerigo Vespucci, a Florentine merchant whom the Americas became named after, who went into even greater detail in his descriptions of natives.<a title="" href="#_ftn10">[10]</a> His accounts further solidified the already assumed position of European dominance and the role of the Savage Indian.</p>
<p>As European presence became more prevalent in the Americas so did awareness of European brutality among different native tribes. As the Spanish made their way through the Americas it became clear to the Natives and much of England and France that the Spanish inflicted far too much brutality on the natives. This too had spread far and wide to native tribes. Natives whom had once been inviting host had become leery and cautious. The later interactions of the French and English were shaped by early interactions with the brutish Spanish. Just as Europeans had created the myth of the Savage Indian so had the Natives created an image of the Savage white man. There is some evidence to suggest that in some cases colonizers sought to excite conflict for their own personal motivations. In Edward Randolph’s report on King Philip’s War, he makes note that:</p>
<p><em>“Some impute it to an imprudent zeal in the magistrates of Boston to christianize those heathen before they were civilized and enjoining them the strict observation of their laws. . . . [T]he people, on the other side, for lucre and gain, entice and provoke the Indians to the breach thereof”<a title="" href="#_ftn11"><strong>[11]</strong></a></em></p>
<p>Randolph goes on to explain that the hostility leading to war was in large part due to the religious interference and colonial government influence. Their construct of the hostile white man also led them to become hostile towards Europeans.</p>
<p>The making of the myth of the Savage Indian which had been originally in the minds or fantasies of Europeans had now become reality. They had constructed an image of a Savage Indian which in turn played on their fears. These fears took over and controlled their interactions with natives. As European’s became an active participant in the American landscape they began to develop two new polar views of the Savage Indian which they had to come to understand.<a title="" href="#_ftn12">[12]</a> Europeans had created the myth of the Savage Indian but began to understand natives not as one cohesive group but distinguish between different tribes. These tribes could be viewed as friends or enemies. Since alliances were fluid this understanding was problematic for European colonizers.<a title="" href="#_ftn13">[13]</a> The very understanding was that these Natives were savages, but now this group would be divided into the noble and ignoble savage.<a title="" href="#_ftn14">[14]</a></p>
<p> For Europeans the ideas of Christianity thought of Adam and Eve making all people of the earth related and tracing back to one origin. This created problems in terms of the origins of natives. It was thought that they were Asian or later reconciled that they had at least from Asia.<a title="" href="#_ftn15">[15]</a> Speculation of Native origins led to questioning whether they had souls or rather they were demons cast out of Asia.<a title="" href="#_ftn16">[16]</a> This line of thinking shaped the European rationalization that Natives should either be killed as creations of satin or possessed souls which could be “civilized”. Whichever view point it was still a popular understanding that they were not native to America and therefor had no claim to the land. The fact that natives did not view ownership of land as Europeans did, made the case that much stronger. Whether Europeans viewed the Savage Native as noble or ignoble most of these understandings preceded their interactions.</p>
<p>While the myth of the Savage Indian had existed long before America had been discovered and evolved into either a sympathetic or hostile view, it never the less continued through colonization and beyond. Much of the myth of the Savage Indian was exaggerated by imagination but some of these perceptions do hold a grain of truth. Many interactions between Europeans and Indians can be caulked up to misunderstandings or differences in culture. The two major factors leading to cultural confrontations between Natives and Europeans were involving warfare and trade. For Natives warfare war not seen as a means of total destruction but more of retribution. For Europeans war was meant to annihilate and dominate the opponent. It was a onetime total war in which the victor dominated the foe.<a title="" href="#_ftn17">[17]</a> For native’s warfare was a perpetual way of life. It was not used as a total war but small victories in which warriors showed bravery and gained prestige.<a title="" href="#_ftn18">[18]</a> Europeans viewed peacefulness as civilized behavior and the idea of constant fighting was seen as uncivilized.<a title="" href="#_ftn19">[19]</a> Also the brutality natives inflicted during warfare helped perpetuate the myth of savagery. While warfare was a large part of native way of life, many tribes sought to make peace with colonists. The speech recorded by John Smith of Chief Powhatan shows some evidence of a willingness for peace.</p>
<p><em>“Why will you take by force what you may obtain by love? Why will you destroy us who supply you with food? What can you get by war? . . . We are unarmed, and willing to give you what you ask, if you come in a friendly manner. . . . </em></p>
<p><em>I am not so simple as not to know it is better to eat good meat, sleep comfortably, live quietly with my women and children, laugh and be merry with the English, and being their friend, trade for their copper and hatchets, than to run away from them. . . .</em></p>
<p><em>Take away your guns and swords, the cause of all our jealousy, or you may die in the same manner.”<a title="" href="#_ftn20"><strong>[20]</strong></a></em></p>
<p>Misunderstandings not only caused conflicts in warfare but also in trade.<a title="" href="#_ftn21">[21]</a> While both groups shared similar customs of trade, natives viewed trade as more of a binding friendship than an economic opportunity. This caused problem as natives began to think that a trade alliance was a binding waring alliance. Native Americans also used European fears to their advantage. In trade they used fear to allow them to intimidate merchants and take what they felt was fair.<a title="" href="#_ftn22">[22]</a> Brutality in warfare also benefited them in some ways as they were able to slow down westward expansion by creating the ignoble Savage Indian.<a title="" href="#_ftn23">[23]</a></p>
<p>The Savage Indian was the construct of European fantasies. It was created to make the unfamiliar or frightening, familiar. The myth of the Savage Indian created a sense of understanding for Europeans which allowed them to make the transatlantic journey with a feeling of security.<a title="" href="#_ftn24">[24]</a> It transformed the frightening, unknown New World into one which they understood and could adapt to. This security was comforting to Europeans who felt secure with their superiority in the world. As time passed and contact led to confrontation, their confidence eroded to fears and uncertainty. They found comfort in an uncertain new world where the enemies were transparent. Real or manufactured the Savage Indian was easy to identify as the enemy, which created a secure new world for Europeans. A world where they did not face uncertainty and could identify friends from enemies. </p>
<p> </p>
<p> </p>
<div style="text-align:center;">Footnotes<br clear="all" /><hr align="left" size="1" width="33%" /><div>
<p><a title="" href="#_ftnref1">[1]</a> Bernard W. Sheehan, <em>Savagism and Civility: Indians and Englishmen in Colonial Virginia</em> (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1980), 1.</p>
</div>
<div>
<p><a title="" href="#_ftnref2">[2]</a> Robert F. Berkhofer, <em>The White Man's Indian: Images of the American Indian from Columbus to the Present</em> (New York: Knopf, Inc., 1978), 16.</p>
</div>
<div>
<p><a title="" href="#_ftnref3">[3]</a> Ibid., 13.</p>
</div>
<div>
<p><a title="" href="#_ftnref4">[4]</a> Ibid., 10-11.</p>
</div>
<div>
<p><a title="" href="#_ftnref5">[5]</a> Armstrong Starkey, <em>European and Native American Warfare, 1675-1815 (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1998), 4. <br /><br /></em><a title="" href="#_ftnref6">6]</a> Berkhofer, The White Man's Indian, 4-5.</p>
</div>
<div>
<p><a title="" href="#_ftnref7">[7]</a> Howard Zinn, <em>A People's History of the United States</em>, (New York: Harper, 2003), 3.</p>
</div>
<div>
<p><a title="" href="#_ftnref8">[8]</a> Berkhofer, The White Man's Indian, 4-7.</p>
</div>
<div>
<p><a title="" href="#_ftnref9">[9]</a> Ibid., 10.</p>
</div>
<div>
<p><a title="" href="#_ftnref10">[10]</a> Ibid., 7.</p>
</div>
<div>
<p><a title="" href="#_ftnref11">[11]</a> "Edward Randolph’s Report of King Philip’s War in New England, 1675," <em>Smithsonian Source: Resources for Teaching American History</em>, (Smithsonian Institution, 2007)</p>
</div>
<div>
<p><a title="" href="#_ftnref12">[12]</a> Berkhofer, The White Man's Indian, 16.</p>
</div>
<div>
<p><a title="" href="#_ftnref13">[13]</a> Ibid., 23.</p>
</div>
<div>
<p><a title="" href="#_ftnref14">[14]</a> Ibid., 21-22 & 28.</p>
</div>
<div>
<p><a title="" href="#_ftnref15">[15]</a> Ibid., 35.</p>
</div>
<div>
<p><a title="" href="#_ftnref16">[16]</a> Ibid., 37.</p>
</div>
<div>
<p><a title="" href="#_ftnref17">[17]</a> Starkey, European and Native American, 25-26.</p>
</div>
<div>
<p><a title="" href="#_ftnref18">[18]</a> Ibid., 30.</p>
</div>
<div>
<p><a title="" href="#_ftnref19">[19]</a> Ibid., 25-29.</p>
</div>
<div>
<p><a title="" href="#_ftnref20">[20]</a> "Speech by Powhatan, as Recorded by John Smith, 1609," <em>Smithsonian Source: Resources for Teaching American History</em>, (Smithsonian Institution, 2007)</p>
</div>
<div>
<p><a title="" href="#_ftnref21">[21]</a> Sheehan, Savagism and Civility, 148-149.</p>
</div>
<div>
<p><a title="" href="#_ftnref22">[22]</a> Starkey, European and Native American, 9.</p>
</div>
<div>
<p><a title="" href="#_ftnref23">[23]</a> Ibid., 12-13.</p>
</div>
<div>
<p><a title="" href="#_ftnref24">[24]</a> Sheehan, Savagism and Civility, 3.</p>
</div>
</div>
<br /><div>
<p align="center">Biliography</p>
<p>Berkhofer, Robert F., JR. <em>The White Man's Indian: Images of the American Indian from Columbus to the Present</em>. New York: Knopf, 1978. </p>
<p>Chiappelli, Fredi, Michael J. B. Allen, and Robert L. Benson. <em>First Images of America: The Impact of the New World on the Old</em>. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1976.</p>
<p>"Edward Randolph’s Report of King Philip’s War in New England, 1675." <em>Smithsonian Source: Resources for Teaching American History</em>. Smithsonian Institution, 2007. <a href="http://www.smithsoniansource.org/display/primarysource/viewdetails.aspx?PrimarySourceId=1175">http://www.smithsoniansource.org/display/primarysource/viewdetails.aspx?PrimarySourceId=1175</a></p>
<p>Sheehan, Bernard W. <em>Savagism and Civility: Indians and Englishmen in Colonial Virginia</em>. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1980. </p>
<p>"Speech by Powhatan, as Recorded by John Smith, 1609." <em>Smithsonian Source: Resources for Teaching American History</em>. Smithsonian Institution, 2007. <a href="http://www.smithsoniansource.org/display/primarysource/viewdetails.aspx?PrimarySourceId=1170">http://www.smithsoniansource.org/display/primarysource/viewdetails.aspx?PrimarySourceId=1170</a></p>
<p>Spencer Collection, The New York Public Library. "Early German woodcut of a New World scene." <em>The New York Public Library Digital Collections</em>. 1505. <a href="http://digitalcollections.nypl.org/items/510d47d9-7be9-a3d9-e040-e00a18064a99">http://digitalcollections.nypl.org/items/510d47d9-7be9-a3d9-e040-e00a18064a99</a></p>
<p>Starkey, Armstrong. <em>European and Native American Warfare, 1675-1815</em>. Norman: University of Oklahoma, 1998. </p>
<p>Zinn, Howard. <em>A People's History of the United States</em>. New York: Harper, 2003. </p>
</div>
Creator
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Lance Whitmore
Publisher
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University of Memphis
Date
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11/30/2016
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Title
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Speech by Powhatan, as Recorded by John Smith, 1609
Subject
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Chief Powhatan, Powhatan, John Smith, Native American, Indian
Description
An account of the resource
Powhatan was the paramount chief of 30 Algonquian speaking tribes of Virginia Indians that made up the Powhatan Confederacy. In the early part of the sixteenth century he maintained a somewhat civil alliance with the settlers of Jamestown. His famous daughter Pocahontas, according to Smith, plead with Powhatan to spare his life. Chief Powhatan in most accounts sought to create a peaceful alliance with colonists although both sides fell victim to mistrust. His speech, recorded by Smith, is most likely a product of their contact in January of 1609. Smith and other colonists were building Powhatan an English style home in exchange for food and supplies. Smith held Chief Powhatan at gunpoint after being abducted but was later released. It is possible his speech was part of this exchange, but could have been given at any time around this encounter as relations began to erode between settlers and Natives.
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Chief Powhatan
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<p><a href="http://www.smithsoniansource.org/display/primarysource/viewdetails.aspx?PrimarySourceId=1170">http://www.smithsoniansource.org/display/primarysource/viewdetails.aspx?PrimarySourceId=1170</a></p>
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University of Memphis
Date
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1609
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Written record provided by Smith, John
The Smithsonian Institution
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The Smithsonian Institution
-
https://d1y502jg6fpugt.cloudfront.net/27714/archive/files/833aae5390202d660dc68524bf5cea16.jpg?Expires=1712793600&Signature=Nqjpqd0LTja-XFhDxYX4qQEtryVQPCtneUhwfSMF0AvWp-X8bIOdYQJUVENYNFu7FAvxBcDmk9XgX%7EFD-wLW1Snm0FS15wAORroDTsw-sWMil7rR1hvZmKJ-tCaS1eNtspigt%7EMHF-LDsnwyvvwFqK%7E3n2SAKsW3lOJHJrcEIanysOVsycDdAFDSphozBzEmU0VIDBS3Uxs-vyeBuWXQsUJ1QJdUC0N0PCREpAMmye6NUl-1BcJ59t3sVkKmEVHgmXU9rqQ5xXoxd4sSPm6XVmSc%7E2HU%7ENnP9N50nC89itMTqmPbjKauLjycLgC9DMbguBGkjryHvdX6pSxxwgQKlw__&Key-Pair-Id=K6UGZS9ZTDSZM
f19bb2fa80491f5faa536c59a974adb1
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By Cowper and Telfairs A Cargo of Guinea Slaves.
Description
An account of the resource
This document is one of many examples of slave advertisements and runaway slave posts which use terms to indicate considered terms of whiteness and blackness, as the ad indicates the runaway enslaved people as “very black” and “of a black complexion.” The advertisement also calls for overseers, which were pivotal aspects of plantation life in the later-United States. Within the essay, this document provides evidence for the development of stereotypes and emphasizes the importance of slavery and the value of enslaved people, especially enslaved Africans.
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Copwer and Telfairs
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In the Council Chamber, Commons House of Assembly of Carolina, the 10th day of May, 1740.
Publisher
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University of Memphis
Date
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1740
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Llyod Duhaime at Duhaime Law Museum
Subject
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slavery, slave advertisements, slave ships, race
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Llyod Duhaime at Duhaime Law Museum
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https://d1y502jg6fpugt.cloudfront.net/27714/archive/files/acc573d946d4705ba2728e19dc7e6500.jpg?Expires=1712793600&Signature=rUoQ45tAu-hd6TjRtVaEkRC39lwaNlH4bmYm08XxfVh6DRR33pdzkFZIyp3oeS84Tm3F2LwSY7livHmOtYfmDVS6OBPEHSMtd9TRLDcBrStd3vbNSj67djuo18okkwThDGuM6T-1Pv3a5vlIvl4XnvtjxQcpegPshBB1aUMRUYxLxmkCPwR%7E41-vVl0YMB%7EEvckW%7EPda4GvC3bxGDCWHITxz9D7xIx7ggqST9qVQWQod9G2GtmBoYw%7EAQh6X1nbxqo77akr9ww8LB24PhaUvH33wzpUtv3-iXGgGByJGWQq7NDT1EvLLgTpunJ6jRtfIBeV3oe-1TzOVvuuVbETI9g__&Key-Pair-Id=K6UGZS9ZTDSZM
4fae8662485f48c80179c566c20b69e5
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Title
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A Trve Declaration of the estate of the Colonie in Virginia, With a confutation of such scandalous reports as haue tended to the disgrace of so worthy an enterprise
Subject
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Virginia
History
Colonial period, ca. 1600-1775
Description
An account of the resource
In the pamphlet,<em> A Trve Declaration of the estate of the Colonie in Virginia, With a confutation of such scandalous reports as haue tended to the disgrace of so worthy an enterprise</em>, the Virginia Company promoter, William Barret recounts a report from Sir Thomas Gates on the status of the colonies in Virginia. This document is an account of the land and resources found in the Virginia Colony published by The Council for Virginia in 1610 in London, England.<br /><br /> The Council for Virginia was part of the joint stock company, The London Company, which became collectively known as The Virginia Company with a second joint stock company, called the Plymouth Company. <br /><br />In 1606, King James I granted a charter to the Virginia Company of London and this joint stock company went on to found the Jamestown settlement in 1607. The Virginia Company’s goal was to bring profit back to England through selling shares for speculation in the New World. The primary goal of the settlers taken to the New World by the Virginia Company was to generate profit for the stockholders back in England. To help drive interest in investing in the joint stock company, promoters in England created flyers, pamphlets, and other promotional materials to both entice people to settle in the new colonies and for wealthier individuals to invest monetarily in the company’s ventures.
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Council for Virginia
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University of Michigan, Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership
http://name.umdl.umich.edu/A14518.0001.001
Publisher
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The University of Memphis
Date
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1610
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Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) :: Text Creation Partnership
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11d2152daecb82868404c40bae901d4f
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Title
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Nasty Women: Gendered Expectations versus Reality Regarding Sexuality and Law
Description
An account of the resource
<p>Hoarding on ships, a variety of men, women, children as well as African slaves entered this new world for the first time, bringing old familiarities and ideologies with them. From the multitude of Europeans that came, forts and permanent residences were built, creating cities and towns. Brought to these new towns, forts and cities, ideologies such as gender ideology created a platform for the society within the colonies. With the fragility and instability of the young colonies, gendered expectations from this ideology were highly defined and needed to provide some form of consistency in an otherwise male-dominated society. Despite these expectations, the branching sexuality of women and men stretched beyond the stanch social rules and laws. Within early colonial North America, there is a clear separation of gendered expectations and reality regarding sexuality within the culture of different colonies. The division of expectations and reality within colonies such as Connecticut, Virginia as well as Philadelphia resulted from a combination of factors such as the ratio of men to women combating with the individual and residual cultures in the colonies. However, despite the differing cultures within the three different colonies, the gendering of laws and cultural expectations resulted overall in unequal treatment in the comparison of women and men over time.</p>
<p> The remaining patriarchal ideology as well as the need for families in the English colonies secured women’s place in society as wives. In the case with the Virginia Company, the lack of women in the majority male population made laws regarding women and marriage licenses more strict in nature. Especially with female servants, guidelines in their servant contract prevented them from outside marriage. In July 1619, legislators acknowledged the significant lack of wives and women within the colony. One of the two shipments to Virginia carried over 90 “marriageable” women, provided with lack of provisions to confirm their occupation as wives.<a title="" href="#_ftn1">[1]</a> This assumption was based off of the common connection with women to wives and gave them dependent legal status under their husband.<a title="" href="#_ftn2">[2]</a> Within more religion-oriented colonies such as Connecticut and Philadelphia, marriage and the family household was the most important social unit in colonial life as well as providing income for small families. The need for families in the English colonies drove women initially in the more male-dominated profit colonies such as Virginia as well as the more religion oriented Middle and New England colonies such as Philadelphia and Connecticut.</p>
<p> The ideal of a chaste, domestic wife was the expectation of a colonial woman at the time. In Literature, such as in <em>The Fortunes and Misfortunes of Moll Flanders</em> as well as the American Almanac in Philadelphia give an accurate of expectations and what was frowned upon in colonial society. In the first instance of print culture in Philadelphian colony, the American Almanac was filled with comedic stereotypes of good wives, terrible wives or the gender relations within marriage. From these comedic stories, it provided comedic relief as well as acknowledged the patriarchal overtones in marriage. Tales such as of <em>The Fortunes and Misfortunes of Moll Flanders </em>by Daniel Defoe perpetuated this idea of the advantageous sexual woman. In the tale, Defoe introduces his character “All the exploits of this lady of fame…stand as so many warnings to honest people to beware of them, intimating to them by what methods innocent people are drawn in…and by consequence how to avoid them.”<a title="" href="#_ftn4">[3]</a> In this quote, Defoe introduces his tale of this scandalous woman as an example of what not to do in society. From this negative portrayal of Moll Flanders, it secures the ideology of the “good wife” and what is to be expected of them. However, some aspects to colonial life went against the print gendered expectation of a subservient and good wife. The female ideal of a chaste bride With the high mortality rates in colonial living, adultery in the need of a securing a future spouse was not uncommon. In the account of Marie Drew of Virginia, who used her sexuality to her advantage while her husband was away, secured future husband prospects in likely case that she became a widow. In the court documents, it mentioned that: “her husband should chance not to come home or dye then he (the suitor, ‘young Powell’) was able to make her amends.”<a title="" href="#_ftn5">[4]</a> With the high mortality rates, adulterous actions such as Marie Drew’s were not uncommon. In comparison, these high expectations of women and wives were not always met in a desperate environment such as Colonial America.</p>
<p> However, in comparison of the acknowledgement of existing promiscuity and sexual relations, the punishments tended to more favorable towards the man. In relation to sexual crimes committed during this time period, the treatment of women in court varied; often the court punished and judged a woman’s testimony more severely if against a man’s. In the New England colonies as well as replicated in others, women who had fornicated and had a child, dealt with the punishment of the crime more severely than their male counterpart. In case of Sarah Hines 18 years old from Connecticut, she bore a child out of wedlock with Joseph Nettleton in 1723. Both went to court over ‘the sin of fornication’; Hines pleaded guilty where as Nettleton pleaded not guilty and was able to appeal his punishment.<a title="" href="#_ftn6">[5]</a> From this common case in Connecticut from 1723, the double standard involving sexual crimes such as fornication favored more towards the man and his dignity rather than the woman who had no husband. The case from the Connecticut references the vulnerability of single women especially female servants, who were poor, lacked domestic skills and/or were migrating alone. They were most susceptible to attacks against their sexuality as well as were punished more severely.<a title="" href="#_ftn7">[6]</a> In comparison, married women were treated more respectable in court cases and attacks because as a married woman, their husband’s actions are tied with them as well as his honor. However, regardless of marriage status, husbands publicly punished their wives, if they suspected that they were unfaithful. For example, in the Philadelphian colony, husbands would publically outcast their wives for suspected behavior as well as not even performing sexual misconduct of a wife was presented in 8% of the advertisements placed by Philadelphia husbands between 1726-1760.<a title="" href="#_ftn8">[7]</a> Overall, women, regardless of marriage status, were treated unequally in punishments in comparison to the men, who committed the same crimes.</p>
<p> With the creation of the New World colonies, the same old patriarchal ideology lingered into the newly founded English colonies. Based off of gender, colonial women succumbed to harsher punishments and more defined expectations. Despite those expectations and punishments, history has proven that the sexual exploitations of men and women were equal in nature, proving that the laws and societal norms did not hesitate several women in doing what they wanted sexually.</p>
<div> Footnotes <br clear="all" /><hr align="left" size="1" width="33%" /><div>
<p><a title="" href="#_ftnref1">[1]</a> Kathleen M. Brown, <em>Good Wives, Nasty Wenches & Anxious Patriarchs: Gender, Race and Power in Colonial Virginia (Chapel Hill and London: University of North Carolina Press, 1996), 80-81. </em></p>
</div>
<div>
<p><a title="" href="#_ftnref2">[2]</a> Karin A. Wulf, <em>Not All Wives: Women of Colonial Philadelphia</em> (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2000), 89.</p>
</div>
<div>
<p><a title="" href="#_ftnref4">[3]</a> Daniel Dofoe, <em>The Fortunes and Misfortunes of Moll Flanders.</em></p>
</div>
<div>
<p><a title="" href="#_ftnref5">[4]</a> Brown, <em>Good Wives, Nasty Wenches, & Anxious Patriarchs,</em> 96.</p>
</div>
<div>
<p><a title="" href="#_ftnref6">[5]</a> Cornelia Dayton, <em>Women Before the Bar: Gender, Law, and Society in Connecticut</em>, 1639-1789 (Williamsburg: University of North Carolina Press, 1995), 157.</p>
</div>
<div>
<p><a title="" href="#_ftnref7">[6]</a> Brown, <em>Good Wives, Nasty Wenches & Anxious Patriarchs,</em> 98.</p>
</div>
<div>
<p><a title="" href="#_ftnref8">[7]</a> Clare A. Lyons, <em>Sex Among the Rabble: An Intimate History of Gender and Power in the Age of Revolution, Philadelphia, 1730-1830</em> (Williamsburg: University of North Carolina Press, 2006), 26; PG, Aug. 29, 1745 Judith and Bryan Kennedy (Philadelphia) <br /><br /></p>
<p align="center">Bibliography</p>
<p align="center"> </p>
<p>Beverley, Robert, Susan Scott Parrish, Daphna Atias, Helen C. Rountree, and Culture Omohundro Institute of Early American History &. 2013. <em>The History and Present State of Virginia: A New Edition with an Introduction by Susan Scott Parrish</em>. Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 2013.</p>
<p> </p>
<p>Brown, Kathleen M. <em>Good Wives, Nasty Wenches, and Anxious Patriarchs: Gender, Race, and Power in Colonial Virginia</em>. Chapel Hill, University of North Carolina Press, 1996.</p>
<p><em> </em></p>
<p>Dayton, Cornelia Hughes.<em> Women Before the Bar: Gender, Law, and Society in Connecticut, 1639-1789. </em>Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1995.</p>
<p><em> </em></p>
<p>Defoe, Daniel. N.d. <em>The Fortunes & Misfortunes of the Famous Moll Flanders</em>. Champaign, Ill: Project Gutenberg, n.d. </p>
<p> </p>
<p>Hening, William Waller. 1823. <em>Statues at Large: A Collection of the Laws of Virginia, from the First Session of the Legislature, in the Year 1619. </em>Published for the Pursuant to an Act of the General Assembly of Virginia, New York.</p>
<p> </p>
<p>Lyons, Clare A. <em>Sex Among the Rabble: An Intimate History of Gender & Power in the Age of Revolution, Philadelphia, 1730-1830</em>. Chapel Hill: Published for the Omohundro Institute of Early American History and Culture, Williamsburg, Virginia, by the University of North Carolina Press, 2006.</p>
<p> </p>
<p>Wulf, Karen A. <em>Not All Wives: Women of Colonial Philadelphia</em>. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2005. </p>
</div>
</div>
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Laura Pepper
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
University of Memphis
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
11/30/2016
Subject
The topic of the resource
Gendered expectations, sexuality, Colonial America, Philadelphia, Connecticut, Virginia, law, court
Hyperlink
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URL
https://archive.org/details/fortunesmisfortu0008defo
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
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The Fortunes and Misfortunes of the Famous Moll Flanders
Subject
The topic of the resource
Fiction
Description
An account of the resource
Fictional account by Daniel Defoe regarding the criminal entrepreneur Moll Flanders and her escapades in Colonial America
Creator
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Daniel Defoe
Source
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https://archive.org/details/fortunesmisfortu0008defo
Publisher
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George D. Sproul
Date
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circa 18th century; this edition published in 1908
Rights
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Brigham Young University, Hawaii
-
https://d1y502jg6fpugt.cloudfront.net/27714/archive/files/10c6bdb2616b69b491888dc77302c469.jpg?Expires=1712793600&Signature=WYx2yj1a9ozKQfUljJV134aAabGEKt2tQiLX9k5xHRoexk18WPTuXJoIxhmjJMXM344cJ86ZWH4YfMiOWR%7EN1ekHHoZzfdULpWFvd5Zz3Brx9MOC1vdDZVG%7EcMUT8UrnlDMFLeippQ7GuVpXuyYct10FJur6QloVkkoeBkjuDlt-Pd6LW1pZaUdA6WaHJnW9XUmPHoEPXJ1URuA7dfbU7qAlPnx7%7EDjXeleSh5sA3VIX6OYEsS9PPZHlD0EWavzpHpwxrwjW%7EvhzPnqctLQHuNkqKxUASbI33XPuwxuMNZNTbST3q6G7I9hSMGJGQQpKNk5tXT8jpV7FuuCTnBBrKw__&Key-Pair-Id=K6UGZS9ZTDSZM
05cf91604860a4cf376113c513bef26c
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Title
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<p style="text-align:left;"><span>Indentured Servitude in Colonial America</span></p>
Subject
The topic of the resource
Indentured servitude colonization
Description
An account of the resource
<div dir="ltr"> </div>
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<div dir="ltr"> </div>
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<div style="text-align:center;" dir="ltr"><span>INDENTURED SERVITUDE IN COLONIAL AMERICA</span></div>
<div style="text-align:center;" dir="ltr"> </div>
<div style="text-align:center;" dir="ltr"><span>Ashley Brown</span></div>
<div style="text-align:center;" dir="ltr"><span>Colonial America to 1783</span></div>
<div style="text-align:center;" dir="ltr"><span>Dr. Christine Eisel</span></div>
<div style="text-align:center;" dir="ltr"><span>November 16 2016</span></div>
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<p>Indentured servants helped out a great deal in the British colonization of North America, more so than the aristocracy. An estimated one-half to two-thirds of the English immigrants were indentured between the 1630s and the American Revolution.<a title=""><sup><sup>[1]</sup></sup></a> They came in search of work and the ownership of land. Becoming an indentured servant had a price: the long ride to the colonies, the working conditions, and the treatment they endured from their masters. After decades of this system in place, it finally came to an end around the time of the American Revolution. There are many theories as to why the system went out of practice, from slavery being cheaper to there being less of a draw for immigrants to join servitude.</p>
<p>Two of the major motivations behind moving to the colonies were the promises of land and work. In England, only those of the aristocracy owned land and by going to America not only did people have an increased chance of owning land, they also would have guaranteed immediate employment, housing, and food upon arrival.<a title=""><sup><sup>[2]</sup></sup></a> The earliest immigrants to the American colonies had the best chance at obtaining their promised land after serving their expected terms of servitude. After the first few decades of colonization, the price of land rose quite considerably. This still did not deter people from going into servitude.</p>
<p>The people that signed into servitude were under no illusion that their future would be unconditional any more than their freedom was back in England. People from England were not the only people drawn to this new life. Many Europeans from other countries became servants too. Many German immigrants came as “redemptioners". Redemptioners were a type of indentured servant that instead of forming their contract before the voyage to the colonies, they would have to make them after they arrived and before they were allowed off of the ship. Redemptioners were particularly vulnerable to abuse; other European countries did not have the same types of laws in place that would protect them from transporters and the people making the contracts from taking advantage of them. Some abuse that they would faced included being kidnapped and forced into the service, or being lied to by recruiters.</p>
<p>Europeans were not the only ones who entered servitude; native people were tied into it as well. Native people mainly became part of servitude because they became so dependent on European goods. They also became restricted from their resources by the change in their environment caused by the Europeans.<a title=""><sup><sup>[3]</sup></sup></a> By the mid-18th century, close to a third of all native people that were in Rhode Island were indentured servants working in white households.<a title=""><sup><sup>[4]</sup></sup></a> Servitude was becoming such a large part of the native peoples live that between the 1730s and 1760s, some tribes petitioned the courts complaining about predatory lending of servitude by Europeans in their area. Statutes were eventually applied to help prevent and regulate the practice. Even during military enlistment, natives would go into servitude. During King George’s War in 1746, out of 980 men, 139 of those men were native and out of the men, close to half of those me had signed their wages over to creditors before leaving to war.<a title=""><sup><sup>[5]</sup></sup></a></p>
<p>In servitude, people had to live alongside their masters. Although servants did have access to courts at the time, they still ran the risk of the courts falling in favor with their masters. This happened frequently since the landowners and the courts were each other’s peers and they were less likely to relate to the servants.<a title=""><sup><sup>[6]</sup></sup></a> If they were found guilty or their complaints frivolous they were subject to extend the time in servitude, and/or faced corporal punishment. This threat of punishment reduced the likelihood of a servant seeking out justice, on the chance that if they did so they could also be punished or threatened. It also was not unusual for cases that involved abuse or neglect to be found in favor of the master which would cause an unfavorable judgment for the servant.</p>
<p>The southern plantations and the Caribbean had the most unlivable situations for servants. Indentured servants worked along slaves but were driven harder, the reason being that the master only had them for a limited time and wanted to get as much as they could out of them before their required time was up. As for the slaves they had them for their entirety of their life and they wanted to make sure they would stay alive to get the most out of them. As quoted from William Eddis on his opinion on the treatment of servants and slaves in the South: "Negroes being a property for life, the death of slaves, in the prime of youth or strength, is a material loss to the proprietor; they are, therefore, almost in every instance, under more comfortable circumstances than the miserable European, over whom the rigid planter exercises an inflexible severity. They are strained to the utmost to perform their allotted labor; and, from a prepossession in many cases too justly founded, they are supposed to be receiving only the just reward which is due to repeated offenses.”<a title=""><sup><sup>[7]</sup></sup></a> The South and the Caribbean had the most appalling living conditions of any person that worked in all plantations.</p>
<p>There are multiple reasons and theories behind the decline and ultimate end of indentured servitude. It was becoming harder for masters and sea captains to hold servants to their contracts when they had finally reached the colonies. Because people who profited from the sale of contracts were having such a hard time selling them, the demand for servants might have begun to fall. The rise per capita in England was making the cost of travel more affordable to people who would have been more likely to become servants as they were now able to pay for their own passage. People who would have been in need to hire servants were beginning to find substitutes for their employments. Slavery was much cheaper than servants and the masters did not have to worry about giving servants their freedom dues. The end of debtors' prisons may have increased the decline, servants could agree to the captain's contract as when they arrived they could refuse the work and there would be no repercussions. Increased lobbying from immigrant aid societies led to increased regulation of the indentured labor market, further increasing the difficulty of enforcing contracts. With less ability to enforce the contracts, demand for indentured servants may have fallen. However, most debtor prisons were still in service when indentured servitude disappeared and many regulations on indentured servitude were put in place well before the disappearance. Slaves were cheaper than unskilled servants. With paid labor you could fire an employee and not be out of cost of an indentured servant. White indentured servants were harder to capture compared to the African slaves if they ran away. Servitude laid the foundation of slavery, first in Virginia and then Barbados</p>
<p>With the beginning of political and economic change, indentured servitude fell out of favor and gave way to more favorable and cheaper slavery. With the quick increase in population immigration was not able keep up to the demand of servants. The price for a servant increased to 60% in some locations but this did not affect the people coming to the colonies.<a title=""><sup><sup>[8]</sup></sup></a> The servants were still given the same amount for their services and the cost for bring them to the colonies stayed the same; the only thing that changed was the demand. The captains of the ship did not take this into consideration so there was no incentive for people to come to the colonies.<a title=""><sup><sup>[9]</sup></sup></a></p>
<p>Servitude at the beginning was a rite of passage for new immigrants traveling to the colonies. People in servitude did their best at starting new homes by making farms and plantations in hopes of making the new land viable. Servitude actually left a bigger legacy as they helped make America distinctly known as the land of opportunity.</p>
<div><br clear="all" /><hr align="left" size="1" width="33%" /><div>
<p><a title=""><sup><sup>[1]</sup></sup></a> David W. Galenson, “The Rise and Fall of Indentured Servitude in the Americas: An Economic Analysis” .<em>The Journal of Economic History, Vol. 44, No. 1 (Mar., 1984), pp. 9</em></p>
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<div>
<p><a title=""><sup><sup>[2]</sup></sup></a> Mathew Pursell, “Colonial Servitude And The “Unfree” Origins Of America.” <em>Southern Studies: An Interdisciplinary Journal of the South</em>, Spring/Summer 2014): 55-85.</p>
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<div>
<p><a title=""><sup><sup>[3]</sup></sup></a> David Silverman, “The Impact of Indentured Servitude on the Society and Culture of Southern New England Indians 1680-1810.” <em>The New England Quarterly</em> 74, no. 4 (2001): 622-66.</p>
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<p><a title=""><sup><sup>[4]</sup></sup></a> John Sansbury, "Indian Labor in Early Rhode Island." <em>The New England Quarterly</em> 48, no. 3 (1975): 378-93</p>
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<div>
<p><a title=""><sup><sup>[5]</sup></sup></a> Ibid.</p>
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<p><a title=""><sup><sup>[6]</sup></sup></a> Merril D. Smith, “<em>Encyclopedia of Rape</em>.” Greenwood Publishing Group, 2004, 150-160.</p>
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<div>
<p><a title=""><sup><sup>[7]</sup></sup></a> William Eddis, “Letters from America”<em>The Founders' Constitution,</em> 20 Sept. 1770, 17 Feb. 1772, Land 35--41, 63--65, http://press-pubs.uchicago.edu/founders/documents/v1ch15s6.html</p>
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<p><a title=""><sup><sup>[8]</sup></sup></a> Russell R. Menard, “From Servant to Freeholder: Status Mobility and Property Accumulation in Seventeenth - Century Maryland” 37-64, 10.2307/1923702</p>
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<p><a title=""><sup><sup>[9]</sup></sup></a> Galenson 11</p>
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<p style="text-align:center;" dir="ltr"><span>Bibliography</span></p>
<div dir="ltr"> </div>
<p dir="ltr"><span>David W. Galenson, “The Rise and Fall of Indentured Servitude in the Americas: An Economic Analysis” Cambridge University Press, March 1984</span></p>
<div dir="ltr"> </div>
<p dir="ltr"><span>Mathew Pursell, “Colonial Servitude And The “Unfree” Origins Of America.” Southern Studies: An Interdisciplinary Journal of the South, Spring/Summer 2014</span></p>
<div dir="ltr"> </div>
<p dir="ltr"><span>David Silverman, “The Impact Of Indentured Servitude on the Society and Culture of Southern New England Indians 1680-1810.” The New England Quarterly 74, no. 4 (2001)</span></p>
<div dir="ltr"> </div>
<p dir="ltr"><span> John Sansbury, "Indian Labor in Early Rhode Island." The New England Quarterly 48, no. 3 (1975)</span></p>
<p dir="ltr"><span>Mender, Russell R.“From Servant to Freeholder: Status Mobility and Property Accumulation in Seventeenth - Century Maryland.” The William and Mary Quarterly, 3rd Ser., Vol. 30, No.1 Chesapeake Society (January 1973), 37-64 </span></p>
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<p dir="ltr"><span> William Eddis, “Letters From America” 20 Sept. 1770, 17 Feb. 1772</span></p>
<p dir="ltr"><span>Merril D. Smith, “Encyclopedia of Rape.” Greenwood Publishing Group, 2004</span></p>
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Creator
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Ashley Brown
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University of Memphis
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November 30, 2016
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A Servant Uprising in Virginia, 1640
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runaway uprising slave servant
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Decisions of the General Court of Virginia, 1640
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http://nationalhumanitiescenter.org/pds/amerbegin/permanence/text6/VirginiaUprising.pdf
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This court decision reviews the actions of the runaway slaves and servants and what their punishments should be.
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1640
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The University of North Carolina Press
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01d756350ea9dcc87109fae7072210b4
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“An Inquiry into the Causes of the Variolae Vaccine”
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Smallpox
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Picture of smallpox on an arm
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Edward Jenner
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The Welcome Library
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The University of Memphis
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Title
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Making Enemies
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Savage Indian, Native American, Indian, European, myth
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<p> </p>
Before Europeans began to colonize the New World, The Americas, they had already formed the image of the Savage Indian. It is this assumption by the explorers, traders, missionaries, and colonists that created the myth of the Savage Indian. This myth of the Savage Indian loomed over their interactions with Europeans creating a hostile relationship. It is this fear and hostility of the manufactured Savage Indian that transformed Native Americans into the object of those fears. The hostile treatment of natives created hostile natives. The myth was no longer just fearful paranoia projected by the imaginations of Europeans but they had now manufactured real Savage Indians. Europeans’ fear created a real Savage Indian and not the other way around; in which, the Savage Indian created European fears.<br /><br />For Native Americans, their role as savages began with European contact, but for Europeans it was an image which existed before they knew the Americas did.<a title="" href="#_ftn1">[1]</a> The ideas of savages and barbarians were not new concepts for Europeans before Columbus’s discovery of the New World. The term barbarian was used by the Greeks to describe the babbling speech of primitive tribes.<a title="" href="#_ftn2">[2]</a> The term savage which was more commonly used means of the woods or wild.<a title="" href="#_ftn3">[3]</a> This term persisted and was used to define unchristian behavior which was to suppress ones animalistic or wild urges. The term savage and barbarian were almost interchangeable in meaning to describe wild or primitive societies. As Christianity swept Europe, the term Christian would come to mean civilized and those of non-Christian faith would fall into the lumped category of uncivilized or savage and barbaric.<a title="" href="#_ftn4">[4]</a> For Europeans it became a matter of us versus them with the them being not Christians.<a title="" href="#_ftn5">[5]</a> Columbus thought he had landed in Asia or islands in Asia, which is why he would call Native Americans, los indios or Indians.<a title="" href="#_ftn6">[6]</a> This was a generic term, which at that time did not carry a negative connotation, but was used to describe people of Asia east of the Indus river. As far a Columbus is concerned, his geographical error in naming the natives Indians was far less damaging to their image.
<p> Shaping the myth of the Savage Indian in the minds of Europeans comes from Christopher Columbus’s initial reports in 1493. He spoke of their generosity and good nature. He describes them as free and lacking possessions. The initial descriptions of natives were ones of ease and gave way to the fantasies of European superiority with a sense of obligation to dominate or instruct primitive savages.<a title="" href="#_ftn7">[7]</a> He also provides the first negative images of natives as well. He describes them as naked, and worse cannibals.<a title="" href="#_ftn8">[8]</a> With the newly invented printing press in Europe information spread faster than ever before and to a larger audience.<a title="" href="#_ftn9">[9]</a> His accounts were reinforced in 1505 by Amerigo Vespucci, a Florentine merchant whom the Americas became named after, who went into even greater detail in his descriptions of natives.<a title="" href="#_ftn10">[10]</a> His accounts further solidified the already assumed position of European dominance and the role of the Savage Indian.</p>
<p>As European presence became more prevalent in the Americas so did awareness of European brutality among different native tribes. As the Spanish made their way through the Americas it became clear to the Natives and much of England and France that the Spanish inflicted far too much brutality on the natives. This too had spread far and wide to native tribes. Natives whom had once been inviting host had become leery and cautious. The later interactions of the French and English were shaped by early interactions with the brutish Spanish. Just as Europeans had created the myth of the Savage Indian so had the Natives created an image of the Savage white man. There is some evidence to suggest that in some cases colonizers sought to excite conflict for their own personal motivations. In Edward Randolph’s report on King Philip’s War, he makes note that:</p>
<p><em>“Some impute it to an imprudent zeal in the magistrates of Boston to christianize those heathen before they were civilized and enjoining them the strict observation of their laws. . . . [T]he people, on the other side, for lucre and gain, entice and provoke the Indians to the breach thereof”<a title="" href="#_ftn11"><strong>[11]</strong></a></em></p>
<p>Randolph goes on to explain that the hostility leading to war was in large part due to the religious interference and colonial government influence. Their construct of the hostile white man also led them to become hostile towards Europeans.</p>
<p>The making of the myth of the Savage Indian which had been originally in the minds or fantasies of Europeans had now become reality. They had constructed an image of a Savage Indian which in turn played on their fears. These fears took over and controlled their interactions with natives. As European’s became an active participant in the American landscape they began to develop two new polar views of the Savage Indian which they had to come to understand.<a title="" href="#_ftn12">[12]</a> Europeans had created the myth of the Savage Indian but began to understand natives not as one cohesive group but distinguish between different tribes. These tribes could be viewed as friends or enemies. Since alliances were fluid this understanding was problematic for European colonizers.<a title="" href="#_ftn13">[13]</a> The very understanding was that these Natives were savages, but now this group would be divided into the noble and ignoble savage.<a title="" href="#_ftn14">[14]</a></p>
<p> For Europeans the ideas of Christianity thought of Adam and Eve making all people of the earth related and tracing back to one origin. This created problems in terms of the origins of natives. It was thought that they were Asian or later reconciled that they had at least from Asia.<a title="" href="#_ftn15">[15]</a> Speculation of Native origins led to questioning whether they had souls or rather they were demons cast out of Asia.<a title="" href="#_ftn16">[16]</a> This line of thinking shaped the European rationalization that Natives should either be killed as creations of satin or possessed souls which could be “civilized”. Whichever view point it was still a popular understanding that they were not native to America and therefor had no claim to the land. The fact that natives did not view ownership of land as Europeans did, made the case that much stronger. Whether Europeans viewed the Savage Native as noble or ignoble most of these understandings preceded their interactions.</p>
<p>While the myth of the Savage Indian had existed long before America had been discovered and evolved into either a sympathetic or hostile view, it never the less continued through colonization and beyond. Much of the myth of the Savage Indian was exaggerated by imagination but some of these perceptions do hold a grain of truth. Many interactions between Europeans and Indians can be caulked up to misunderstandings or differences in culture. The two major factors leading to cultural confrontations between Natives and Europeans were involving warfare and trade. For Natives warfare war not seen as a means of total destruction but more of retribution. For Europeans war was meant to annihilate and dominate the opponent. It was a onetime total war in which the victor dominated the foe.<a title="" href="#_ftn17">[17]</a> For native’s warfare was a perpetual way of life. It was not used as a total war but small victories in which warriors showed bravery and gained prestige.<a title="" href="#_ftn18">[18]</a> Europeans viewed peacefulness as civilized behavior and the idea of constant fighting was seen as uncivilized.<a title="" href="#_ftn19">[19]</a> Also the brutality natives inflicted during warfare helped perpetuate the myth of savagery. While warfare was a large part of native way of life, many tribes sought to make peace with colonists. The speech recorded by John Smith of Chief Powhatan shows some evidence of a willingness for peace.</p>
<p><em>“Why will you take by force what you may obtain by love? Why will you destroy us who supply you with food? What can you get by war? . . . We are unarmed, and willing to give you what you ask, if you come in a friendly manner. . . . </em></p>
<p><em>I am not so simple as not to know it is better to eat good meat, sleep comfortably, live quietly with my women and children, laugh and be merry with the English, and being their friend, trade for their copper and hatchets, than to run away from them. . . .</em></p>
<p><em>Take away your guns and swords, the cause of all our jealousy, or you may die in the same manner.”<a title="" href="#_ftn20"><strong>[20]</strong></a></em></p>
<p>Misunderstandings not only caused conflicts in warfare but also in trade.<a title="" href="#_ftn21">[21]</a> While both groups shared similar customs of trade, natives viewed trade as more of a binding friendship than an economic opportunity. This caused problem as natives began to think that a trade alliance was a binding waring alliance. Native Americans also used European fears to their advantage. In trade they used fear to allow them to intimidate merchants and take what they felt was fair.<a title="" href="#_ftn22">[22]</a> Brutality in warfare also benefited them in some ways as they were able to slow down westward expansion by creating the ignoble Savage Indian.<a title="" href="#_ftn23">[23]</a></p>
<p>The Savage Indian was the construct of European fantasies. It was created to make the unfamiliar or frightening, familiar. The myth of the Savage Indian created a sense of understanding for Europeans which allowed them to make the transatlantic journey with a feeling of security.<a title="" href="#_ftn24">[24]</a> It transformed the frightening, unknown New World into one which they understood and could adapt to. This security was comforting to Europeans who felt secure with their superiority in the world. As time passed and contact led to confrontation, their confidence eroded to fears and uncertainty. They found comfort in an uncertain new world where the enemies were transparent. Real or manufactured the Savage Indian was easy to identify as the enemy, which created a secure new world for Europeans. A world where they did not face uncertainty and could identify friends from enemies. </p>
<p> </p>
<p> </p>
<div style="text-align:center;">Footnotes<br clear="all" /><hr align="left" size="1" width="33%" /><div>
<p><a title="" href="#_ftnref1">[1]</a> Bernard W. Sheehan, <em>Savagism and Civility: Indians and Englishmen in Colonial Virginia</em> (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1980), 1.</p>
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<p><a title="" href="#_ftnref2">[2]</a> Robert F. Berkhofer, <em>The White Man's Indian: Images of the American Indian from Columbus to the Present</em> (New York: Knopf, Inc., 1978), 16.</p>
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<p><a title="" href="#_ftnref3">[3]</a> Ibid., 13.</p>
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<p><a title="" href="#_ftnref4">[4]</a> Ibid., 10-11.</p>
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<p><a title="" href="#_ftnref5">[5]</a> Armstrong Starkey, <em>European and Native American Warfare, 1675-1815 (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1998), 4. <br /><br /></em><a title="" href="#_ftnref6">6]</a> Berkhofer, The White Man's Indian, 4-5.</p>
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<p><a title="" href="#_ftnref7">[7]</a> Howard Zinn, <em>A People's History of the United States</em>, (New York: Harper, 2003), 3.</p>
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<p><a title="" href="#_ftnref8">[8]</a> Berkhofer, The White Man's Indian, 4-7.</p>
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<p><a title="" href="#_ftnref9">[9]</a> Ibid., 10.</p>
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<p><a title="" href="#_ftnref10">[10]</a> Ibid., 7.</p>
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<p><a title="" href="#_ftnref11">[11]</a> "Edward Randolph’s Report of King Philip’s War in New England, 1675," <em>Smithsonian Source: Resources for Teaching American History</em>, (Smithsonian Institution, 2007)</p>
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<p><a title="" href="#_ftnref12">[12]</a> Berkhofer, The White Man's Indian, 16.</p>
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<p><a title="" href="#_ftnref13">[13]</a> Ibid., 23.</p>
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<p><a title="" href="#_ftnref14">[14]</a> Ibid., 21-22 & 28.</p>
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<p><a title="" href="#_ftnref15">[15]</a> Ibid., 35.</p>
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<p><a title="" href="#_ftnref16">[16]</a> Ibid., 37.</p>
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<p><a title="" href="#_ftnref17">[17]</a> Starkey, European and Native American, 25-26.</p>
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<p><a title="" href="#_ftnref18">[18]</a> Ibid., 30.</p>
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<p><a title="" href="#_ftnref19">[19]</a> Ibid., 25-29.</p>
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<p><a title="" href="#_ftnref20">[20]</a> "Speech by Powhatan, as Recorded by John Smith, 1609," <em>Smithsonian Source: Resources for Teaching American History</em>, (Smithsonian Institution, 2007)</p>
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<p><a title="" href="#_ftnref21">[21]</a> Sheehan, Savagism and Civility, 148-149.</p>
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<p><a title="" href="#_ftnref22">[22]</a> Starkey, European and Native American, 9.</p>
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<p><a title="" href="#_ftnref23">[23]</a> Ibid., 12-13.</p>
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<p><a title="" href="#_ftnref24">[24]</a> Sheehan, Savagism and Civility, 3.</p>
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<br /><div>
<p align="center">Biliography</p>
<p>Berkhofer, Robert F., JR. <em>The White Man's Indian: Images of the American Indian from Columbus to the Present</em>. New York: Knopf, 1978. </p>
<p>Chiappelli, Fredi, Michael J. B. Allen, and Robert L. Benson. <em>First Images of America: The Impact of the New World on the Old</em>. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1976.</p>
<p>"Edward Randolph’s Report of King Philip’s War in New England, 1675." <em>Smithsonian Source: Resources for Teaching American History</em>. Smithsonian Institution, 2007. <a href="http://www.smithsoniansource.org/display/primarysource/viewdetails.aspx?PrimarySourceId=1175">http://www.smithsoniansource.org/display/primarysource/viewdetails.aspx?PrimarySourceId=1175</a></p>
<p>Sheehan, Bernard W. <em>Savagism and Civility: Indians and Englishmen in Colonial Virginia</em>. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1980. </p>
<p>"Speech by Powhatan, as Recorded by John Smith, 1609." <em>Smithsonian Source: Resources for Teaching American History</em>. Smithsonian Institution, 2007. <a href="http://www.smithsoniansource.org/display/primarysource/viewdetails.aspx?PrimarySourceId=1170">http://www.smithsoniansource.org/display/primarysource/viewdetails.aspx?PrimarySourceId=1170</a></p>
<p>Spencer Collection, The New York Public Library. "Early German woodcut of a New World scene." <em>The New York Public Library Digital Collections</em>. 1505. <a href="http://digitalcollections.nypl.org/items/510d47d9-7be9-a3d9-e040-e00a18064a99">http://digitalcollections.nypl.org/items/510d47d9-7be9-a3d9-e040-e00a18064a99</a></p>
<p>Starkey, Armstrong. <em>European and Native American Warfare, 1675-1815</em>. Norman: University of Oklahoma, 1998. </p>
<p>Zinn, Howard. <em>A People's History of the United States</em>. New York: Harper, 2003. </p>
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Creator
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Lance Whitmore
Publisher
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University of Memphis
Date
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11/30/2016
Dublin Core
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Title
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Edward Randolph’s Report of King Philip’s War in New England, 1675
Subject
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King Philip, War, Chief Metacom, Metacomet
Description
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The letter written by Edward Randolph is a report to make clear misunderstandings or misinformation which explains possible causes for the King Philip’s war. King Philip’s war or Metacom’s War took place in the New England colonies between 1675 and 1676. The war was a result of growing tensions between the English colonists and Wampanoag tribe over cultural differences of religion, protection against rival native tribes, colonists’ invasion of Wampanoag land, and difficult trade alliances. Violent conflict first began after three Wampanoag were put on trial and executed for the murder of John Sassamon, a Praying Indian who served as an interpreter and translator between the two cultures. Natives murder colonists and burn their homes, villages, and towns. By the end of the bloody war over 3,000 Wampanoag and their allied tribes were killed alongside 1,000 colonists and native allies were killed. Countless homes and cities on both side were destroyed as well as the loss of property and disruption of trade. In Randolph’s letter he explanations for growing hostilities and identifies that much of the blame should fall on the English.
Creator
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Edward Randolph
Source
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<p><a href="http://www.smithsoniansource.org/display/primarysource/viewdetails.aspx?PrimarySourceId=1175">http://www.smithsoniansource.org/display/primarysource/viewdetails.aspx?PrimarySourceId=1175</a></p>
Publisher
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University of Memphis
Date
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1675
Contributor
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The Smithsonian Institution
Rights
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The Smithsonian Institution