1
10
36
-
https://d1y502jg6fpugt.cloudfront.net/27714/archive/files/10c6bdb2616b69b491888dc77302c469.jpg?Expires=1712793600&Signature=WYx2yj1a9ozKQfUljJV134aAabGEKt2tQiLX9k5xHRoexk18WPTuXJoIxhmjJMXM344cJ86ZWH4YfMiOWR%7EN1ekHHoZzfdULpWFvd5Zz3Brx9MOC1vdDZVG%7EcMUT8UrnlDMFLeippQ7GuVpXuyYct10FJur6QloVkkoeBkjuDlt-Pd6LW1pZaUdA6WaHJnW9XUmPHoEPXJ1URuA7dfbU7qAlPnx7%7EDjXeleSh5sA3VIX6OYEsS9PPZHlD0EWavzpHpwxrwjW%7EvhzPnqctLQHuNkqKxUASbI33XPuwxuMNZNTbST3q6G7I9hSMGJGQQpKNk5tXT8jpV7FuuCTnBBrKw__&Key-Pair-Id=K6UGZS9ZTDSZM
05cf91604860a4cf376113c513bef26c
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
<p style="text-align:left;"><span>Indentured Servitude in Colonial America</span></p>
Subject
The topic of the resource
Indentured servitude colonization
Description
An account of the resource
<div dir="ltr"> </div>
<div dir="ltr"> </div>
<div dir="ltr"> </div>
<div dir="ltr"> </div>
<div dir="ltr"> </div>
<div dir="ltr"> </div>
<div dir="ltr"> </div>
<div style="text-align:center;" dir="ltr"><span>INDENTURED SERVITUDE IN COLONIAL AMERICA</span></div>
<div style="text-align:center;" dir="ltr"> </div>
<div style="text-align:center;" dir="ltr"><span>Ashley Brown</span></div>
<div style="text-align:center;" dir="ltr"><span>Colonial America to 1783</span></div>
<div style="text-align:center;" dir="ltr"><span>Dr. Christine Eisel</span></div>
<div style="text-align:center;" dir="ltr"><span>November 16 2016</span></div>
<p dir="ltr"> </p>
<div dir="ltr"> </div>
<p>Indentured servants helped out a great deal in the British colonization of North America, more so than the aristocracy. An estimated one-half to two-thirds of the English immigrants were indentured between the 1630s and the American Revolution.<a title=""><sup><sup>[1]</sup></sup></a> They came in search of work and the ownership of land. Becoming an indentured servant had a price: the long ride to the colonies, the working conditions, and the treatment they endured from their masters. After decades of this system in place, it finally came to an end around the time of the American Revolution. There are many theories as to why the system went out of practice, from slavery being cheaper to there being less of a draw for immigrants to join servitude.</p>
<p>Two of the major motivations behind moving to the colonies were the promises of land and work. In England, only those of the aristocracy owned land and by going to America not only did people have an increased chance of owning land, they also would have guaranteed immediate employment, housing, and food upon arrival.<a title=""><sup><sup>[2]</sup></sup></a> The earliest immigrants to the American colonies had the best chance at obtaining their promised land after serving their expected terms of servitude. After the first few decades of colonization, the price of land rose quite considerably. This still did not deter people from going into servitude.</p>
<p>The people that signed into servitude were under no illusion that their future would be unconditional any more than their freedom was back in England. People from England were not the only people drawn to this new life. Many Europeans from other countries became servants too. Many German immigrants came as “redemptioners". Redemptioners were a type of indentured servant that instead of forming their contract before the voyage to the colonies, they would have to make them after they arrived and before they were allowed off of the ship. Redemptioners were particularly vulnerable to abuse; other European countries did not have the same types of laws in place that would protect them from transporters and the people making the contracts from taking advantage of them. Some abuse that they would faced included being kidnapped and forced into the service, or being lied to by recruiters.</p>
<p>Europeans were not the only ones who entered servitude; native people were tied into it as well. Native people mainly became part of servitude because they became so dependent on European goods. They also became restricted from their resources by the change in their environment caused by the Europeans.<a title=""><sup><sup>[3]</sup></sup></a> By the mid-18th century, close to a third of all native people that were in Rhode Island were indentured servants working in white households.<a title=""><sup><sup>[4]</sup></sup></a> Servitude was becoming such a large part of the native peoples live that between the 1730s and 1760s, some tribes petitioned the courts complaining about predatory lending of servitude by Europeans in their area. Statutes were eventually applied to help prevent and regulate the practice. Even during military enlistment, natives would go into servitude. During King George’s War in 1746, out of 980 men, 139 of those men were native and out of the men, close to half of those me had signed their wages over to creditors before leaving to war.<a title=""><sup><sup>[5]</sup></sup></a></p>
<p>In servitude, people had to live alongside their masters. Although servants did have access to courts at the time, they still ran the risk of the courts falling in favor with their masters. This happened frequently since the landowners and the courts were each other’s peers and they were less likely to relate to the servants.<a title=""><sup><sup>[6]</sup></sup></a> If they were found guilty or their complaints frivolous they were subject to extend the time in servitude, and/or faced corporal punishment. This threat of punishment reduced the likelihood of a servant seeking out justice, on the chance that if they did so they could also be punished or threatened. It also was not unusual for cases that involved abuse or neglect to be found in favor of the master which would cause an unfavorable judgment for the servant.</p>
<p>The southern plantations and the Caribbean had the most unlivable situations for servants. Indentured servants worked along slaves but were driven harder, the reason being that the master only had them for a limited time and wanted to get as much as they could out of them before their required time was up. As for the slaves they had them for their entirety of their life and they wanted to make sure they would stay alive to get the most out of them. As quoted from William Eddis on his opinion on the treatment of servants and slaves in the South: "Negroes being a property for life, the death of slaves, in the prime of youth or strength, is a material loss to the proprietor; they are, therefore, almost in every instance, under more comfortable circumstances than the miserable European, over whom the rigid planter exercises an inflexible severity. They are strained to the utmost to perform their allotted labor; and, from a prepossession in many cases too justly founded, they are supposed to be receiving only the just reward which is due to repeated offenses.”<a title=""><sup><sup>[7]</sup></sup></a> The South and the Caribbean had the most appalling living conditions of any person that worked in all plantations.</p>
<p>There are multiple reasons and theories behind the decline and ultimate end of indentured servitude. It was becoming harder for masters and sea captains to hold servants to their contracts when they had finally reached the colonies. Because people who profited from the sale of contracts were having such a hard time selling them, the demand for servants might have begun to fall. The rise per capita in England was making the cost of travel more affordable to people who would have been more likely to become servants as they were now able to pay for their own passage. People who would have been in need to hire servants were beginning to find substitutes for their employments. Slavery was much cheaper than servants and the masters did not have to worry about giving servants their freedom dues. The end of debtors' prisons may have increased the decline, servants could agree to the captain's contract as when they arrived they could refuse the work and there would be no repercussions. Increased lobbying from immigrant aid societies led to increased regulation of the indentured labor market, further increasing the difficulty of enforcing contracts. With less ability to enforce the contracts, demand for indentured servants may have fallen. However, most debtor prisons were still in service when indentured servitude disappeared and many regulations on indentured servitude were put in place well before the disappearance. Slaves were cheaper than unskilled servants. With paid labor you could fire an employee and not be out of cost of an indentured servant. White indentured servants were harder to capture compared to the African slaves if they ran away. Servitude laid the foundation of slavery, first in Virginia and then Barbados</p>
<p>With the beginning of political and economic change, indentured servitude fell out of favor and gave way to more favorable and cheaper slavery. With the quick increase in population immigration was not able keep up to the demand of servants. The price for a servant increased to 60% in some locations but this did not affect the people coming to the colonies.<a title=""><sup><sup>[8]</sup></sup></a> The servants were still given the same amount for their services and the cost for bring them to the colonies stayed the same; the only thing that changed was the demand. The captains of the ship did not take this into consideration so there was no incentive for people to come to the colonies.<a title=""><sup><sup>[9]</sup></sup></a></p>
<p>Servitude at the beginning was a rite of passage for new immigrants traveling to the colonies. People in servitude did their best at starting new homes by making farms and plantations in hopes of making the new land viable. Servitude actually left a bigger legacy as they helped make America distinctly known as the land of opportunity.</p>
<div><br clear="all" /><hr align="left" size="1" width="33%" /><div>
<p><a title=""><sup><sup>[1]</sup></sup></a> David W. Galenson, “The Rise and Fall of Indentured Servitude in the Americas: An Economic Analysis” .<em>The Journal of Economic History, Vol. 44, No. 1 (Mar., 1984), pp. 9</em></p>
</div>
<div>
<p><a title=""><sup><sup>[2]</sup></sup></a> Mathew Pursell, “Colonial Servitude And The “Unfree” Origins Of America.” <em>Southern Studies: An Interdisciplinary Journal of the South</em>, Spring/Summer 2014): 55-85.</p>
</div>
<div>
<p><a title=""><sup><sup>[3]</sup></sup></a> David Silverman, “The Impact of Indentured Servitude on the Society and Culture of Southern New England Indians 1680-1810.” <em>The New England Quarterly</em> 74, no. 4 (2001): 622-66.</p>
</div>
<div>
<p><a title=""><sup><sup>[4]</sup></sup></a> John Sansbury, "Indian Labor in Early Rhode Island." <em>The New England Quarterly</em> 48, no. 3 (1975): 378-93</p>
</div>
<div>
<p><a title=""><sup><sup>[5]</sup></sup></a> Ibid.</p>
</div>
<div>
<p><a title=""><sup><sup>[6]</sup></sup></a> Merril D. Smith, “<em>Encyclopedia of Rape</em>.” Greenwood Publishing Group, 2004, 150-160.</p>
</div>
<div>
<p><a title=""><sup><sup>[7]</sup></sup></a> William Eddis, “Letters from America”<em>The Founders' Constitution,</em> 20 Sept. 1770, 17 Feb. 1772, Land 35--41, 63--65, http://press-pubs.uchicago.edu/founders/documents/v1ch15s6.html</p>
</div>
<div>
<p><a title=""><sup><sup>[8]</sup></sup></a> Russell R. Menard, “From Servant to Freeholder: Status Mobility and Property Accumulation in Seventeenth - Century Maryland” 37-64, 10.2307/1923702</p>
</div>
<div>
<p><a title=""><sup><sup>[9]</sup></sup></a> Galenson 11</p>
</div>
</div>
<div dir="ltr"> </div>
<div dir="ltr"> </div>
<p style="text-align:center;" dir="ltr"><span>Bibliography</span></p>
<div dir="ltr"> </div>
<p dir="ltr"><span>David W. Galenson, “The Rise and Fall of Indentured Servitude in the Americas: An Economic Analysis” Cambridge University Press, March 1984</span></p>
<div dir="ltr"> </div>
<p dir="ltr"><span>Mathew Pursell, “Colonial Servitude And The “Unfree” Origins Of America.” Southern Studies: An Interdisciplinary Journal of the South, Spring/Summer 2014</span></p>
<div dir="ltr"> </div>
<p dir="ltr"><span>David Silverman, “The Impact Of Indentured Servitude on the Society and Culture of Southern New England Indians 1680-1810.” The New England Quarterly 74, no. 4 (2001)</span></p>
<div dir="ltr"> </div>
<p dir="ltr"><span> John Sansbury, "Indian Labor in Early Rhode Island." The New England Quarterly 48, no. 3 (1975)</span></p>
<p dir="ltr"><span>Mender, Russell R.“From Servant to Freeholder: Status Mobility and Property Accumulation in Seventeenth - Century Maryland.” The William and Mary Quarterly, 3rd Ser., Vol. 30, No.1 Chesapeake Society (January 1973), 37-64 </span></p>
<div dir="ltr"> </div>
<p dir="ltr"><span> William Eddis, “Letters From America” 20 Sept. 1770, 17 Feb. 1772</span></p>
<p dir="ltr"><span>Merril D. Smith, “Encyclopedia of Rape.” Greenwood Publishing Group, 2004</span></p>
<div dir="ltr"> </div>
<div dir="ltr"> </div>
<div dir="ltr"> </div>
<div dir="ltr"> </div>
<div dir="ltr"> </div>
<div dir="ltr"> </div>
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Ashley Brown
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
University of Memphis
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
November 30, 2016
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
A Servant Uprising in Virginia, 1640
Subject
The topic of the resource
runaway uprising slave servant
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Decisions of the General Court of Virginia, 1640
Source
A related resource from which the described resource is derived
http://nationalhumanitiescenter.org/pds/amerbegin/permanence/text6/VirginiaUprising.pdf
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
This court decision reviews the actions of the runaway slaves and servants and what their punishments should be.
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1640
Rights
Information about rights held in and over the resource
The University of North Carolina Press
-
https://d1y502jg6fpugt.cloudfront.net/27714/archive/files/9c87eb1b95ec694173437fa80d32990d.jpg?Expires=1712793600&Signature=DrtmvR3mQ%7EvV-tsvlu0xO6AN74iofTuN6YJ7cKM0Vw0dXpXGjNFF9-kpRUYWaoG%7Ep3eQHzY%7EUsNrrRTdrVtuVdgFPK1xUqQPu79NZBrUDeW3ZoBIbM3X89zV-KQ0xDY-mB-OeCPhnCH1XvuO-VnxAB3zE2jWUcMmVqoLtJYJy4KrHvPPq86vslecegnVhK5oQrKGj-1Gi70536%7EKhSsFBvwEeFEjfMxJJu9FRYlv9LHSw2TECx3xFcg%7EainYrKGM%7EWwRUOIS4z2-rX%7EOMLVU%7EyYiLkNiq6mPDWFxruVjjXSJc9QtJN%7EuC8L6OXMNpJtR8rIxiIgux8Ib-17MTWD1JA__&Key-Pair-Id=K6UGZS9ZTDSZM
587f8bc7510c7c79f1b9e4f510640d7d
https://d1y502jg6fpugt.cloudfront.net/27714/archive/files/5bddc78b2f8b07b7dcce1412609146fa.jpg?Expires=1712793600&Signature=ogLVtter0wDJqyjOVORJWZcM%7EWgFAbMRyNlFdFJXJf9v7ouUxML5COvKa%7EDDHto%7EZbwPFUDVx9A8TlYJyIuoDA1SxIadBY-uQ-MABOkygDGmB2HJHGueZDTZwWOeLUgYQfBhBj1-FYwGNYsCQHlt19lkQorwKsosgUYz7WKOF0g2gLN5t8l72Piptf5AbcVK6NRh0Fbe%7EGqQ7bK7Qs3gCPHDInP0Btq8HGG4d2P362-ZAaCK4nYIiDLiP1SSs1tAJNfX4rI3fjCzrn1p7jRWEhmRWl%7EMsSULnNEwjj5AaQnh5wOh8P7j0equbj%7EsfNOvOe5X1sjOeYshqCdEj4LsbA__&Key-Pair-Id=K6UGZS9ZTDSZM
8e361b96c6b468a5057c229dd4d1c281
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
A true reportory of the wracke, and redemption of Sir Thomas Gates Knight; vpon, and from the Ilands of the Bermudas: his comming to Virginia, and the estate of that Colonie then, and after, vnder the gouernment of the Lord La Warrre, Iuly 15. 1610
Subject
The topic of the resource
Virginia
History
Colonial period, ca. 1600-1775
Description
An account of the resource
<br /><em>A true reportory of the wracke, and redemption of Sir Thomas Gates Knight; vpon, and from the Ilands of the Bermudas: his comming to Virginia, and the estate of that Colonie then, and after, vnder the gouernment of the Lord La Warrre, Iuly 15. 1610</em> is an account by William Strachey about his journey from England to the Jamestown colony. It was re-printed in the anthology compiled by the Reverend Samuel Purchas, <em>Hakluytus Posthumus</em>, or<em> Purchas his Pilgrimes</em>, in 1625. Hakluytus was a four volume set, and Strachey’s work can be found in the fourth volume on page 1758. <br /><br />William Strachey sailed from England on the ship Sea Venture in the summer of 1609. On route, a hurricane diverted the ship and ultimately caused it to wreck in Bermuda. Strachey was one of the survivors of the shipwreck. He and the other survivors built two pinnaces, the Patience and the Deliverance, to continue on to their original destination, the Jamestown colony. Strachey arrived in Jamestown in May of 1610 to see the aftermath of the period known as The Starving Time. <br /><br />Original copies of <em>Hkluytus Posthumus</em>, or <em>Purchas his Pilgrimes</em> is held as part of the Hans P. Kraus Collection of Sir Francis Drake in the Rare Book and Special Collections Division of the Library of Congress and the four part series can be read digitally in their entirety online.
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
William Strachey
Source
A related resource from which the described resource is derived
Library of Congress, Rare Book & Special Collections Division
http://memory.loc.gov/cgibin/query/r?intldl/rbdkbib:@field(NUMBER+@od1(rbdk+d0404))
http://memory.loc.gov/service/rbc/rbdk/d0404/06351758.jpg
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
The University of Memphis
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1610
Contributor
An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource
Reverend Samuel Purchas
Rights
Information about rights held in and over the resource
Library of Congress, Rare Book and Special Collections Division, The Hans P. Kraus Collection of Sir Francis Drake
-
https://d1y502jg6fpugt.cloudfront.net/27714/archive/files/858f3b50e0e46a9697146734cdc513e3.jpg?Expires=1712793600&Signature=eE9YmqyZqU-ycLjS7izc9OoKVIP0NMjDg%7EEcC8xYGh6mRwtZda9GgDvyxCS5zLADTD3cik4DpRL9RvSP-7Ja3sn-X6oNocYg3rVEjg8LZq%7EdcUe7lIMTzszN1L3GU7YhhpPkcD9fpV6DtAAevm-6kI7f6zT5x6a2yKq8dH6f29m0rVyZzqyWX00KKsCpsEO89zEYIKvuwtsbRbrofWVwjZtztFE4trj99AsBLAkD1h6vDEzdEIEEbbLc9Ut0P-d%7E3TL4wxLcgzbf-W6nI9L0NVgRQiBS4CXbxLSEW5WB1AUJGgqGO95y44iDgnLFCv%7ES1CN5Q6KuHhz3TIAGwhrzcQ__&Key-Pair-Id=K6UGZS9ZTDSZM
d3617f7761f10ce2296c86a4810fcb90
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
“A Prequel to The French and Indian War”
Subject
The topic of the resource
French and Indian War
Description
An account of the resource
<p> </p>
<p> </p>
<p align="center">“<em>A Prequel to The French and Indian War</em>”</p>
<p>When we think of colonial America prior to the Revolutionary War, it is very hard to not think about the conflicts that eventually led to this monumental event. One of these conflicts was the French and Indian War (or the Seven Years War as known in Europe), a monumental affair that would solidify British rule in North America and see our first president gain prestige for his military service during the war. This war saw colonial forces drafted en masse against a French adversary that had secured critical alliances with several Native American tribes. Of course, most historians already know about the course of the war and how the war ended, but the causes and motivations for the war can still be examined. How could such a conflict occur in the colonies in the first place? This author argues that The French and Indian War was already set to happen as a variety of military and political factors had already taken hold in colonial North America, with the construction of fortifications, tensions between the British and French, and disputed colonial borders directly paving a path to war.</p>
<p> Prior to 1753, North America existed in a sort of “flux”, there were several areas of territory between the English colonies and the French colonies that were largely “disputed”. Both the French and British had territorial claims across the region, along with some very conflicting claims (some of which most notably being in the Ohio valley). To the British, the French occupation of such territories was a slight against the British Crown, while to the French, the British had no right to claim territories that were seen as “French”. This territorial dispute was one of many between the French and the British, as both nations had already been in a series of on-and-off conflicts between each other, with one of the more notable conflicts being the war of Spanish succession just a few years prior to the outbreak of the French and Indian War. Relations between the two were far from warm and both sides had quite a bit to lose in the Americas (particularly the French), such as the fur trade and other resources that needed to be protected.</p>
<p> For the 1700s onward in North America the French had worked with the Native Americans to exploit the fur trade. Unwilling to give concessions to the other side, the French began constructing a series of fortifications across disputed territories inside the Ohio valley to both protect this trade and clearly define French influence in the region. This of course drew the ire of the British, who were none too pleased with the presence of French fortifications in their territory. The colonial governors felt great unease with the presence of these fortifications; one of the more notable governors was Governor Horatio Sharpe of Maryland. “The French it seems claim to the very Fountain Heads of Monongahela, Youghyoghgyina & all the Streams flowing into Ohio or Mississippi, so that their Pretensions extend to a great number of Acres within this Province which I am afraid no Person will be prevailed on to take up till the French be obliged to relinquish the Forts they have already built on those Rivers. Pensilvania will lose a vast quantity of Land if their incroachments are not suppressed & prevented”.<a title="">[1]</a></p>
<p> These fortifications were a major issue for the British, and Governor Sharpe was not at all happy with their presence. The British had already laid claim to much of the areas in dispute, and the lure of the fur trade along with the other resources that could be exploited in the Ohio valley were areas of concern for the Crown. This, however, was just one factor behind the outbreak of the war. For much of the early 1700s the French had worked with the Native Americans in this region to exploit the fur trade, which at the time was an extremely profitable market for those European powers that had access to it. This had led to the French crafting alliances with native powers to ensure that their trade stayed undisturbed. The British recognized this, and as a counter effort to French influence, tried to form alliances with the Iroquois and other Native tribes that were against the French for a variety of reasons. A notable example of this at work can be found in Governor Dinwiddie’s correspondence to the Iroquois. The correspondence stated:</p>
<p>“I rec’d by the Hands of Mr. A. Mountour, the three Belts of W[ampum], w’ch You desired to be ret’d at the Congress at Albany. The French Invading Y’r hunting Grounds on the Ohio, took up all my Time to prevent their settling there, and agreeable to Y’r desire, to assist and protect Y’r F’ds and Allies on y’t river, w’ch I have to the utmost of my Power on this pres’t Invasion of the French and their Ind’s done, and [I] am always ready to help any of the Tribes of Ind’s y’t are in Amity and F’dship with You. I now return the above three Belts of Wampum, and desire to assure You y’t I shall, on all occasions, be glad to keep the Chain of F’dship between us bright, and to live in brotherly Love and F’dship with You, our Allies, while the Sun and Moon gives Us Light. In testimony of the Truth thereof, I present You with this Belt of Wampum.”.<a title="">[2]</a></p>
<p>By aligning themselves with friendly native peoples, both the French and British had access to groups of people that could prove to be vital allies should tensions erupt into conflict. Dinwiddie like many other leaders in the area pushed for Native cooperation. This only served to escalate tensions between the two powers. All these grievances combined would finally lead to the British sending an expedition to the French demanding their withdrawal, and a young George Washington was one of the few survivors of this tragic affair.</p>
<p> So, when we look at the fortifications mentioned in the previous paragraphs along with the trade competition (along with the less than amicable British response), it is pretty to see why exactly the British would send a force to eject the French from the contested Ohio valley. This would all finally lead to Colonel Washington receiving the following correspondence:</p>
<p>“WHEREAS, the Fr. have unjustly invaded H. M’y’s Lands on the Ohio, and have sent flying Parties of Fr. and Ind’s to rob and murder our back Settlers to the Westw’d, w’ch the Legislature of Y’s Dom’n hav’g seriously taken into their Considerat’n and voted Money for the Protect’n of our Frontiers and for conduct’g the necessary Expedit’n to drive the Fr. from the Ohio. In Consequence thereof I have granted Comissions for rais’g sixteen Compa’s of Men to be form’d into a Regim’t. The Com’d of w’ch Regim’t, together with all the Forces that now are or may be employ’d in the Co’try Service, being given to You. You are, as soon as possible, to use Y’r utmost Endeavours to compleat the s’d Regim’t by send’g the officers to recruit in the different Counties of y’s Dom’n, as You shall see most convenient, leav’g six to do Duty with the Men who remain at F’t Cumb’l’d…”<a title="">[3]</a></p>
<p>The British finally had enough with the French in the Ohio valley. Orders of mobilization had begun and General Edward Braddock’s army marched to demand that the French leave the region. Years of tensions seen in Europe were finally about to come to a head in the Americas, and from a colonial perspective the battle lines had already been drawn. Closing a chapter of colonial history and opening a new one, the French and Indian War began.</p>
<p> So, in conclusion, the path to war between the French and British in the colonies had already been laid out by a mixture of political and economic factors. The ambiguity as to who owned the disputed Ohio valley and other territories, along with the construction of fortifications and the declining relationship between the protestant British and the Catholic French set up what was to become the French and Indian War. By looking at “why” the war happened (in the colonies at least) we can finally gain a better understanding of the dynamics that led to the war between these two great powers.</p>
<div><br clear="all" /><hr align="left" size="1" width="33%" /><div>
<p><a title="">[1]</a> William Browne, Editor., <em>Correspondence of Governor Horatio Sharpe</em>, Volume I. 1753-1757 (Baltimore: Maryland Historical Society 1888)</p>
</div>
<div>
<p><a title="">[2]</a> R.A. Brock, editor., <em>The Official Records of Robert Dinwiddie</em>, Volume I. Pg. 312. (Richmond: Virginia Historical Society, 1883)</p>
</div>
<div>
<p><a title="">[3]</a> Jared Sparks, editor., <em>The Writings of George Washington</em>, Volume II. Pages 184-186. (Boston: Charles Tappan, 1846)<br />________________________________________________<br /> Works Cited</p>
<p>William Browne, Editor., Correspondence of Governor Horatio Sharpe, Volume I. 1753-1757 (Baltimore: Maryland Historical Society 1888)</p>
<p>R.A. Brock, editor., The Official Records of Robert Dinwiddie, Volume I. Pg. 312. (Richmond: Virginia Historical Society, 1883)</p>
<p>Jared Sparks, editor., The Writings of George Washington, Volume II. Pages 184-186. (Boston: Charles Tappan, 1846)</p>
<p>Anderson Fred. Crucible of War: The Seven Years’ War and the Fate of Empire in British North America, 1754-1766. London: Faber & Faber, 2000. Print.</p>
<p>Hrdlicka, James F.1. "The Attachment of the People": The Massachusetts Charter, the French and Indian War, and the Coming of the American Revolution." New England Quarterly 89, no. 3 (September 2016): 384-420. Humanities Full Text (H.W. Wilson), EBSCOhost (accessed October 19, 2016).</p>
<p>Gandulla, Stephanie, and Lawrence Edward Babits. The Archaeology of French and Indian War Frontier Forts. Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2014. eBook Collection (EBSCOhost), EBSCOhost (accessed October 17, 2016).</p>
<p>Englebert, Robert, and Guillaume Teasdale. French and Indians in the Heart of North America, 1630-1815. East Lansing: Michigan State University Press, 2013. eBook Collection (EBSCOhost), EBSCOhost (accessed October 14, 2016).</p>
<p>Marston, Daniel. The French-Indian War, 1754-1760. New York: Taylor & Francis [CAM], 2003. eBook Collection (EBSCOhost), EBSCOhost (accessed October 16, 2016).</p>
</div>
</div>
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Jeffrey Cunningham
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
University of Memphis
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
11/30/2016
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Maryland Governor Horatio Sharpe to Frederick Calvert, September 2, 1754
Subject
The topic of the resource
Sharpe, Maryland, Governor
Description
An account of the resource
Part of Governor Shape’s correspondence, this details the buildup of French fortifications in the Ohio valley. The French construction discouraged English colonists and proved to be a point of great tension for Sharpe. Highlighting a key factor of the French and Indian War.
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Maryland Governor Horatio Sharpe
Source
A related resource from which the described resource is derived
Browne, William. Editor. Correspondence of Governor Horatio Sharpe, Volume I. 1753-1757 (Baltimore: Maryland Historical Society 1888)
http://www.wvculture.org/history/frenchandindian/17540902sharpe.html
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
University of Memphis
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1754
Contributor
An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource
William Browne
Rights
Information about rights held in and over the resource
Maryland Historical Society
-
https://d1y502jg6fpugt.cloudfront.net/27714/archive/files/7165b76b63be0168c095493a1e4031e6.png?Expires=1712793600&Signature=esdffRk36ZBYP33YXJKje9iqqhj0dLXcmLa3F3M28ijOT9Ipr9wrGZQvR0GFw8q8ISZNMDbw-gT5Tqzf39R6eGM7Jf93ayD7c1FVKlEUqmeRLVwqcemoW9Jb77QYVtcwf3CdU7KeovrNZwuOB1Eohwr5aNHlSc-qbGWHFapB8cUv3B0bctj4qiaK%7Ez-EY%7EXQy%7EgdsV5BoFjNXXaLWJpFTNm7GB4q-1LxTGwRptD1ke7mZ1kvQ4OOSnUOt8cXbTfspomf5mMm0NC8oJVqaqyyFhrpIZzyV2tobAYV2PylYtJAELtGmMR26Y-oCjyLjdZEEUqmrqr2UfZPiAiB1wDBmw__&Key-Pair-Id=K6UGZS9ZTDSZM
749e3bd189c74f00ab674ed599e2434b
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
""Work and Labor in This New and Wild Land Are Very Hard": A German Migrant in Philadelphia, 1750."
Description
An account of the resource
This primary document is a first-hand account of indentured servants in the market and describes how some people’s hands were forced by threat of incarceration. Some people took desperate measures to avoid indentured contracts, such as selling their children, thus showing the undesirability and harshness of indentured servitude. This also draws several parallels between indentured servitude and slavery, such as harshness of labor, and economical value. It also displays the overall helplessness shown in both situations. It also draws several differences, as indentured servants had slightly more liberty than the enslaved.
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Gottlieb Mittelberger
Source
A related resource from which the described resource is derived
Gottlieb Mittelberger, Journey to Pennsylvania in the Year 1750, trans. Carl Theo Eben (Philadelphia, John Jos McVey, 1898), 25–31
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
University of Memphis
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1750
Contributor
An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource
Carl Theo Eben
Subject
The topic of the resource
migration, north, colonies, migration, diversity, indentured servitude, labor
Rights
Information about rights held in and over the resource
John JosMcvey
-
https://d1y502jg6fpugt.cloudfront.net/27714/archive/files/09dcf7709946a2d84aec298db6c170ac.jpeg?Expires=1712793600&Signature=YW1C3a6HcdQYIoVraJf1GCO6CD7e2sl%7EezX3eACrwGB%7E2EB7ypnD%7EfzHp%7Ez-H8HGEjGBJH0gXJX6urfQJHmx-6bvN2Vp9wVB%7Ewaa48hITHAYh3mXUBMYR62OEX%7E0CRs88m1FnkABK6Y8QVsa3%7E9dhND4-TTAUZ01b%7EhkGPv-W4hSCZddL3fkIIOm9hgAV1qYFMsmbqWNarJyPBXlZ%7EWYeWt80WM1tUbMX8-FiWopZNQHk8ewxfppl34LocOf%7E8prq31TI-qhEvnyqcLW8Ku3diBDPPU-n3igPE8EEM%7ELWHL3dF2NnoRiRi9n38bI-HMcinC0BqvsFeQGkP4ObFE2Mg__&Key-Pair-Id=K6UGZS9ZTDSZM
0ab8c29fb1909de17f3ca15bac2f8dcf
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
"Observations upon the origin of the Malignant Bilious, or Yellow Fever in Philadelphia, and upon the Means of Preventing it: Addressed to the citizens of Philadelphia”
Subject
The topic of the resource
Yellow Fever, Colonial America
Description
An account of the resource
This source addresses the issues representing yellow fever in Philadelphia. There were many concerns from Philadelphia. Benjamin Rush addressed every worry that the Philadelphians had. He answered all the questions they had about yellow fever in this article. These questions ranged from “Is it contagious?” to “Can Yellow Fever be imported?”
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Benjamin Rush
Source
A related resource from which the described resource is derived
Boston Medical Library
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
The University of Memphis
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
November 30, 2016
-
https://d1y502jg6fpugt.cloudfront.net/27714/archive/files/63ebf9a7763b9fd4a5a271e4f1c061ac.jpeg?Expires=1712793600&Signature=JG%7EdzdMF-PmJiaWdJR2WXK%7EOrHXOsuUBX3hLOcD1mP1SbMhSoc5c7AX8Vew1dtSOUlmsTcs9wMcvyx91aaQU0DrnBV6Po0hw1F3XbyqhP91c-LU88sav5UwDnMXCvHd2R-9mjOkQeidCeUTjlIDmC7IlB5yW8N7s3iPdKRxcc6Yh5Fwo9Lai%7Ew8z6%7ESB88v6VRCnzIgguPQaXPsXaV%7EuxrnLfb70YG3%7EtLmY-2aGqRYXMKTswOKI6Xwxo3Sed7Q7M-Z1cjZ-YVHs84WItc5btqmW3ACsDQomQ2nDMLTM0nEXx-vvaicZr-8-xeedkeFWqalxljRjreFX9--9GcDj6Q__&Key-Pair-Id=K6UGZS9ZTDSZM
cb17c7cdd2d34d2fdf942ddbdf4892c9
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Nasty Women: Gendered Expectations versus Reality Regarding Sexuality and Law
Description
An account of the resource
<p>Hoarding on ships, a variety of men, women, children as well as African slaves entered this new world for the first time, bringing old familiarities and ideologies with them. From the multitude of Europeans that came, forts and permanent residences were built, creating cities and towns. Brought to these new towns, forts and cities, ideologies such as gender ideology created a platform for the society within the colonies. With the fragility and instability of the young colonies, gendered expectations from this ideology were highly defined and needed to provide some form of consistency in an otherwise male-dominated society. Despite these expectations, the branching sexuality of women and men stretched beyond the stanch social rules and laws. Within early colonial North America, there is a clear separation of gendered expectations and reality regarding sexuality within the culture of different colonies. The division of expectations and reality within colonies such as Connecticut, Virginia as well as Philadelphia resulted from a combination of factors such as the ratio of men to women combating with the individual and residual cultures in the colonies. However, despite the differing cultures within the three different colonies, the gendering of laws and cultural expectations resulted overall in unequal treatment in the comparison of women and men over time.</p>
<p> The remaining patriarchal ideology as well as the need for families in the English colonies secured women’s place in society as wives. In the case with the Virginia Company, the lack of women in the majority male population made laws regarding women and marriage licenses more strict in nature. Especially with female servants, guidelines in their servant contract prevented them from outside marriage. In July 1619, legislators acknowledged the significant lack of wives and women within the colony. One of the two shipments to Virginia carried over 90 “marriageable” women, provided with lack of provisions to confirm their occupation as wives.<a title="" href="#_ftn1">[1]</a> This assumption was based off of the common connection with women to wives and gave them dependent legal status under their husband.<a title="" href="#_ftn2">[2]</a> Within more religion-oriented colonies such as Connecticut and Philadelphia, marriage and the family household was the most important social unit in colonial life as well as providing income for small families. The need for families in the English colonies drove women initially in the more male-dominated profit colonies such as Virginia as well as the more religion oriented Middle and New England colonies such as Philadelphia and Connecticut.</p>
<p> The ideal of a chaste, domestic wife was the expectation of a colonial woman at the time. In Literature, such as in <em>The Fortunes and Misfortunes of Moll Flanders</em> as well as the American Almanac in Philadelphia give an accurate of expectations and what was frowned upon in colonial society. In the first instance of print culture in Philadelphian colony, the American Almanac was filled with comedic stereotypes of good wives, terrible wives or the gender relations within marriage. From these comedic stories, it provided comedic relief as well as acknowledged the patriarchal overtones in marriage. Tales such as of <em>The Fortunes and Misfortunes of Moll Flanders </em>by Daniel Defoe perpetuated this idea of the advantageous sexual woman. In the tale, Defoe introduces his character “All the exploits of this lady of fame…stand as so many warnings to honest people to beware of them, intimating to them by what methods innocent people are drawn in…and by consequence how to avoid them.”<a title="" href="#_ftn4">[3]</a> In this quote, Defoe introduces his tale of this scandalous woman as an example of what not to do in society. From this negative portrayal of Moll Flanders, it secures the ideology of the “good wife” and what is to be expected of them. However, some aspects to colonial life went against the print gendered expectation of a subservient and good wife. The female ideal of a chaste bride With the high mortality rates in colonial living, adultery in the need of a securing a future spouse was not uncommon. In the account of Marie Drew of Virginia, who used her sexuality to her advantage while her husband was away, secured future husband prospects in likely case that she became a widow. In the court documents, it mentioned that: “her husband should chance not to come home or dye then he (the suitor, ‘young Powell’) was able to make her amends.”<a title="" href="#_ftn5">[4]</a> With the high mortality rates, adulterous actions such as Marie Drew’s were not uncommon. In comparison, these high expectations of women and wives were not always met in a desperate environment such as Colonial America.</p>
<p> However, in comparison of the acknowledgement of existing promiscuity and sexual relations, the punishments tended to more favorable towards the man. In relation to sexual crimes committed during this time period, the treatment of women in court varied; often the court punished and judged a woman’s testimony more severely if against a man’s. In the New England colonies as well as replicated in others, women who had fornicated and had a child, dealt with the punishment of the crime more severely than their male counterpart. In case of Sarah Hines 18 years old from Connecticut, she bore a child out of wedlock with Joseph Nettleton in 1723. Both went to court over ‘the sin of fornication’; Hines pleaded guilty where as Nettleton pleaded not guilty and was able to appeal his punishment.<a title="" href="#_ftn6">[5]</a> From this common case in Connecticut from 1723, the double standard involving sexual crimes such as fornication favored more towards the man and his dignity rather than the woman who had no husband. The case from the Connecticut references the vulnerability of single women especially female servants, who were poor, lacked domestic skills and/or were migrating alone. They were most susceptible to attacks against their sexuality as well as were punished more severely.<a title="" href="#_ftn7">[6]</a> In comparison, married women were treated more respectable in court cases and attacks because as a married woman, their husband’s actions are tied with them as well as his honor. However, regardless of marriage status, husbands publicly punished their wives, if they suspected that they were unfaithful. For example, in the Philadelphian colony, husbands would publically outcast their wives for suspected behavior as well as not even performing sexual misconduct of a wife was presented in 8% of the advertisements placed by Philadelphia husbands between 1726-1760.<a title="" href="#_ftn8">[7]</a> Overall, women, regardless of marriage status, were treated unequally in punishments in comparison to the men, who committed the same crimes.</p>
<p> With the creation of the New World colonies, the same old patriarchal ideology lingered into the newly founded English colonies. Based off of gender, colonial women succumbed to harsher punishments and more defined expectations. Despite those expectations and punishments, history has proven that the sexual exploitations of men and women were equal in nature, proving that the laws and societal norms did not hesitate several women in doing what they wanted sexually.</p>
<div> Footnotes <br clear="all" /><hr align="left" size="1" width="33%" /><div>
<p><a title="" href="#_ftnref1">[1]</a> Kathleen M. Brown, <em>Good Wives, Nasty Wenches & Anxious Patriarchs: Gender, Race and Power in Colonial Virginia (Chapel Hill and London: University of North Carolina Press, 1996), 80-81. </em></p>
</div>
<div>
<p><a title="" href="#_ftnref2">[2]</a> Karin A. Wulf, <em>Not All Wives: Women of Colonial Philadelphia</em> (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2000), 89.</p>
</div>
<div>
<p><a title="" href="#_ftnref4">[3]</a> Daniel Dofoe, <em>The Fortunes and Misfortunes of Moll Flanders.</em></p>
</div>
<div>
<p><a title="" href="#_ftnref5">[4]</a> Brown, <em>Good Wives, Nasty Wenches, & Anxious Patriarchs,</em> 96.</p>
</div>
<div>
<p><a title="" href="#_ftnref6">[5]</a> Cornelia Dayton, <em>Women Before the Bar: Gender, Law, and Society in Connecticut</em>, 1639-1789 (Williamsburg: University of North Carolina Press, 1995), 157.</p>
</div>
<div>
<p><a title="" href="#_ftnref7">[6]</a> Brown, <em>Good Wives, Nasty Wenches & Anxious Patriarchs,</em> 98.</p>
</div>
<div>
<p><a title="" href="#_ftnref8">[7]</a> Clare A. Lyons, <em>Sex Among the Rabble: An Intimate History of Gender and Power in the Age of Revolution, Philadelphia, 1730-1830</em> (Williamsburg: University of North Carolina Press, 2006), 26; PG, Aug. 29, 1745 Judith and Bryan Kennedy (Philadelphia) <br /><br /></p>
<p align="center">Bibliography</p>
<p align="center"> </p>
<p>Beverley, Robert, Susan Scott Parrish, Daphna Atias, Helen C. Rountree, and Culture Omohundro Institute of Early American History &. 2013. <em>The History and Present State of Virginia: A New Edition with an Introduction by Susan Scott Parrish</em>. Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 2013.</p>
<p> </p>
<p>Brown, Kathleen M. <em>Good Wives, Nasty Wenches, and Anxious Patriarchs: Gender, Race, and Power in Colonial Virginia</em>. Chapel Hill, University of North Carolina Press, 1996.</p>
<p><em> </em></p>
<p>Dayton, Cornelia Hughes.<em> Women Before the Bar: Gender, Law, and Society in Connecticut, 1639-1789. </em>Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1995.</p>
<p><em> </em></p>
<p>Defoe, Daniel. N.d. <em>The Fortunes & Misfortunes of the Famous Moll Flanders</em>. Champaign, Ill: Project Gutenberg, n.d. </p>
<p> </p>
<p>Hening, William Waller. 1823. <em>Statues at Large: A Collection of the Laws of Virginia, from the First Session of the Legislature, in the Year 1619. </em>Published for the Pursuant to an Act of the General Assembly of Virginia, New York.</p>
<p> </p>
<p>Lyons, Clare A. <em>Sex Among the Rabble: An Intimate History of Gender & Power in the Age of Revolution, Philadelphia, 1730-1830</em>. Chapel Hill: Published for the Omohundro Institute of Early American History and Culture, Williamsburg, Virginia, by the University of North Carolina Press, 2006.</p>
<p> </p>
<p>Wulf, Karen A. <em>Not All Wives: Women of Colonial Philadelphia</em>. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2005. </p>
</div>
</div>
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Laura Pepper
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
University of Memphis
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
11/30/2016
Subject
The topic of the resource
Gendered expectations, sexuality, Colonial America, Philadelphia, Connecticut, Virginia, law, court
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
"Portrait of a Woman"
Description
An account of the resource
Portrait of a colonial woman by Wenceslaus Hollar, a famous portraitist at the time
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Wenceslaus Hollar
Source
A related resource from which the described resource is derived
http://www.npg.org.uk/collections/search/portrait/mw68297/Unknown-woman-Spring?set=161%3BHollar+etchings&search=ap&rNo=4#comments
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1641
Rights
Information about rights held in and over the resource
National Portrait Gallery, London
Subject
The topic of the resource
A colonial woman.
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
University of Memphis.
-
https://d1y502jg6fpugt.cloudfront.net/27714/archive/files/d22d0078c9d3071ce124f5cbcbf9488d.jpg?Expires=1712793600&Signature=gLsIfKxD8PJG9DXv2PP7Fn2kl3f7QO2UdLcu1XVe9W9Q3o0pRZku37YCFmiGXeXRv1ed-fh2acLZVfMAd4AE3TQGUmF8MXWDlCKPp%7EcTB3XK6Hfd0AW3D2GwphVZndRpIWVLTg2SKl9Ees0PwZi58JTjyiUXbplNvHyHD2jzz2WE979-JnlrBjMmTKew6uvvHe02QcmPs8qeQDJjlqdJWsWTUiRxGIzLBXi9bN%7EFQMJn4GzAJ4WEeW-efB0b5NrBFsiQ53LCGqxZvzA3E5p-R3K9jCHQUFLE240axiz4hFeHYV27RJQ4cSLo1dvWXyjTiPjz5P7Wf%7E0HXV10hRJPZQ__&Key-Pair-Id=K6UGZS9ZTDSZM
045783b811bb2bdcb2e8b957efc21daa
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Christianity in the Colonial World: Use It How You See Best.
Subject
The topic of the resource
Colonial America, US, USA, Christianity, Spanish Catholics, 17th century, 18th century, Portuguese Jesuits, English Protestants, Native Americans, African Slaves, African Americans, native peoples. Empire, hegemony, relationships.
Description
An account of the resource
During the colonial period every European empire that had its hands on the continent saw itself as a Christian nation. Though denominations varied from empire to empire, the same consistent theme of seeing Christianity as a global empire was universally shared. Where they differed was the implementation and vision of this Christian empire in the Americas and subsequently the world. The French Catholic Jesuits, the Spanish Catholics, and the English Protestants all saw themselves as a part of a grand Christian empire. The manifestation of this concept however differed from nation to nation and from denomination to denomination. In fierce competition they engaged one another to establish their particular Christian hegemony. The competitions' records and legacies can unfortunately consume the stories of enslaved and native peoples. Though they themselves also adopted elements of Christianity in their own communities for a variety of purposes, and thus are relevant to this topic of history. <br /><br />From the 17th to the 18th century evidence shows that every major European empire (e.g the French, the Spanish, and the British empires) as well as the enslaved peoples they used, and the native people who encountered them and extended relationships with them, adopted elements of Christianity to establish a particular hegemony within their communities. This was not an all encompassing unifying gesture and in fact was a heated competition at times, and thus we must not leave any peoples from this narrative if we want to truly understand the dynamic role Christianity played in colonial American history. <br /><br />Of the Catholic denominations in France there exists a subset called the Society of Jesus or, as they are better known,the Jesuits. The Jesuits during the colonial period were often persecuted or pushed out of their home countries in this reality of competition between Christian denominations and empire. In the letters of Father Pierre Biard, circa 1606 -1625, we get a glimpse of the animosity different denominations in this Christian empire felt for one another. “For they carried us off, together with the Frenchmen who remained, fifteen in all, straight to their own country, Virginia, distant from the place in which we had been captured at least two hundred and fifty leagues.”[1] Once they arrived in Virginia the Puritan Governor wanted to hang them all, especially the Jesuits.[2] Despite these challenges the Jesuits in general, not just in France, played a tactful role in the development and spread of Christianity from the northern borders of Canada all the way to the coasts of Brazil. <br /><br />In Brazil, the Spanish Portuguese Jesuits built schools and libraries. It was noted that the Spanish Portuguese Jesuits made conversion of the natives their primary<em> de facto</em> motive for colonization in the first place. Shortly after 1549 the first library was built in Brazil and continued to be built and expanded until the outlawing of the Society of Jesus in 1759. In this way the Spanish Portuguese Jesuits in Brazil are accredited with starting the first public libraries and centers of knowledge in the nation.[3] The French and Spanish Portuguese Jesuit’s implemented their ideas for native peoples with the pursuit of conversion through education and thus assimilatied them into their particular culture. Other Spanish Catholics had different perspective and values abd therefore a different manifestation of what they thought they should be doing to aid the Christian empire took place. In many ways, Catholics were more pragmatic and material in their relationships with native people, it was either to exploit resources and/or exchange land ownership. Subsequently the goal of conversion and assimilation into their particular culture remained a consistent focus as well. However, in letters between Luis de Quirós and Juan Baptista de Segura we see this pragmatic view of native people relationships come to light. During the colonial period food scarcity was rampant for both European settlers and native peoples. For native peoples their ecosystem radically changed and became inhospitable to their way of life. For European settlers lack of preparedness and food shortages were due to death rates and harsh colonial environments. In this particular exchange we see Luis de Quirós plan to exploit this situation for the benefit of the Catholic Christian empire. “At this time the planting is done here, and thus many of the tribes will come here after being scattered over the region in search of food and there will be a good opportunity for the Holy Gospel.”[4] While the Jesuits made it their first priority to establish education, Spanish Catholics were more interested in seeking converts through material exchange relationships. For the Spanish Catholics converting native people into their cultural hegemony served an economic purpose. How those material exchange relationships manifested varied from region to region, exploiting converts in South America for gold, silver, or in this case food. “From the frontier came genuine democracy, rugged individualism, plasticity, mobility, tolerance, optimism, and an assertiveness and self-assurance rooted in material prosperity. To a degree that these characteristics were exemplified by Catholics, it would be most often by the denizens of the forests, the mountains, and the plains.”[5] It is this spirit of material prosperity that motivated Catholics to the regions they traveled to and because settlement is such a labor demanding task. Assimilating bodies into the Spanish Catholic economic and cultural systems was an important concept for the Spanish.<br /><br /> For the English Protestants in the colonies this world view was drastically different in execution and purpose. The original nature of the American colonies were peripheral in the eyes of the English Crown.[6] For the English religiosity was less conformed and contained and what you find is the appearance of multiple Christian groups in the colonies, e.g Quakers, Protestants, Puritans, etc.[7] This competition that manifested between these groups, produced a less uniformed approach to assimilating native peoples and slaves into particular Christian denominations. The English, like the Spanish and the French, interacted with natives and slaves and religion had a large impact on those interactions. However, views on the success of these interactions wildly depends on interpretation. The English who held slaves in the Southern colonies permitted missionaries to convert their slaves but admitted to limited success. Unlike the Spanish Catholics the English Protestants had no particular economic incentive behind conversion, instead, to them it was more of a personal desire. “...slaves were considered a gospelly unleavened lump whose heathenism one had to endure for the sake of cultivating tobacco and rice.”[8] The English had different views for Natives as their original intention of incorporating them into colonial labor forces similar to the ideas of the Spanish failed due to the spread of disease and death in those populations which strained relationships. For the English converting natives and slaves was more a personal want that had to do with personal convenience in navigating social life. John Eliot, an English Puritan minister within the colonies, wrote this in his diary on his motivations for assimilating native peoples into Christianity: “I have begun to teach them the Art of Teaching, and I find some of them very capable. And while I live, my purpose is, (by the grace of Christ assisting) to make it one of my chief cares and labours to teach them some of the Liberal Arts and Sciences, and the way how to analize, and lay out into particulars both the Works and Word of God; and how to communicate knowledge to others methodically and skilfully, and especially the method of Divinity.”[9] What John Eliot describes is a desire to assimilate native peoples into his Christian hegemony. One could argue that by extending conversion to slaves the English participated in a larger system of using Christian elements to adopt people into English culture; natives and slaves used this system to their advantage where they could. Native peoples also used Christianity in their personal lives for their own agenda and purpose. In John Eliot’s diary we’re given accounts of tribes who bordered English towns and wanted Eliot to settle with them and teach them. “The English Town called Marlborough doth border upon them, as did the lines of the Tribes of Judah and Benjamin; the English Meeting-house standeth within the line of the Indian Town, although the contiguity and co-inhabitation is not barren in producing matters of interfering; yet our godly Indians do obtain a good report of the godly English, which is an argument that bringeth light and evidence to my heart, that our Indians are really godly. I was very lately among them; they desired me to settle a stated Lecture amongst them.”[10] <br /><br />Eliot’s account, at the very least, convinces himself of the fact that natives on some level desire to know more about Christianity. That desire proved that natives were willing to adopt elements of Christianity for their personal benefit. It is worth noting that gender power dynamics of Native American society varied. A patriarchal hierarchy which one could attribute to European power structures was not congruent with native societies and as such the roles of women differed. One would assume that in the male-centric missions and the male-centered Christian world view would clash on an ideological level with native community structure and the status of women in those communities. However, this is not the case: “Christianity did not totally destroy the power that the Tlingit had traditionally had in their communities...social rank remained the most important influence in Tlingit society. Although women might bow to the authority of the church, they remained powerful figured in their communities because of family alliances. Christianity did not deprive them of power but allowed them to mediate Christian values...”. [11] In other cases natives used Christianity superstitiously in hopes that it would turn the tide of colonization and restore their world to how it originally had been. <br /><br />African slaves in the colonies also incorporated aspects of Christianity in their own lives. It was a liberating ideology that formed links and fellowships in the colonies which helped supplement the families and kinship that were broken up in the act of slavery itself. Particularly due to the history of Portuguese Catholic involvement on the west coast of Africa, the Congo and Angola regions of Africa adopted elements of Christianity prior to enslavement and transition into the Americas. For slaves, Christianity was an avenue of association that could be utilized to form links and deteriorate differences between white colonial masters and themselves. They had their children baptized, which is an important cultural marker for adherents to that particular faith as it conflicts with ideas of slavery.[12] Christians adhering to their doctrine do not make slaves of other Christians. The usage of baptism as a means to avoid slavery in the African community is another example of the usage of elements within Christianity to assimilate into a particular hegemony a group of peoples for a particular gain. <br /><br />It seems that generally all actors in colonial life were in some way touched by Christianity and while fierce competition did exist between denominations, people adapted Christian elements broadly in all of it’s forms for the purpose of establishing a particular beneficial hegemony within a group dynamic. For French Catholic Jesuits the benefits of assimilating native peoples into their Christian culture was a matter of having more bodies, and thereby strength, to avoid persecution. For Spanish Catholics assimilating native peoples into their Christian hegemony allowed them to make substantial economic gains as relationships formed and bonded. For the English Protestants conversion was usual for forming personal bonds between slaves and natives and thereby assimilating them under a particular hegemony. Native Americans adopted elements of Christianity for its perceived supernatural benefits in order to use it beneficially within their own communities. African slaves adopted elements of Christianity such as baptism as a way to avoid slavery by identifying themselves as members of the Christian hegemony and culture. <br /><br />While none of these groups agreed upon a particular consensus of what that Christian empire would be, they all incorporated elements of it for their own personal benefits in the particular established hegemony in which they were involved. Truly, if there is a single thread that binds all of these groups together during this time period it would be the adoption of elements of Christianity. Which in particular? For what reasons? The answers to these questions vary from case to case but one thing we can say for sure is people used Christianity however they thought it would benefit them or their identifying group. In broader terms one could say however they saw best. <br /><br />1 Pierre Biard . “Letter of Father Pierre Biard, 1614 Narratives of Early Virginia, 1606-1625.” Edited by Lyon Gardiner Tyler. Virtual James Town. Accessed September 27, 2016. <br />2 Pierre Biard. “Letter of Father Pierre Biard, 1614 Narratives of Early Virginia, 1606-1625.” Edited by Lyon Gardiner Tyler. Virtual James Town. Accessed September 27, 2016. 3 Mark L Grover. “The Book and the Conquest: Jesuit Libraries in Colonial Brazil.” Libraries & Culture 28<br />3 (1993): 266-283 4 Quiros, de, Luis. “The Spanish Jesuit Mission in Virgina, 1570-1572 Letter of Luis de Quiros and Juan Baptista de Segura” Translated and Edited by Clifford M. Lewis, S.J. and Albert J.Loomie, S.J., eds. The Virgina Historical Society by the University of North Carolina Press, 1953. Accessed September 27, 2016. 5 Thomas W. Spalding, “The Catholic Frontiers.” U.S. Catholic Historian 12, <br />4 (1994): 15 <br />6 Charles L Cohen, . “The Colonization of British North America as an Episode in the History of Christianity.” Church History 72, no. 3 (2003): 560<br /> 7 Charles L. Cohen,“The Colonization of British North America as an Episode in the History of Christianity.” Church History 72, no. 3 (2003): 561<br /> 8 Charles L Cohen . “The Colonization of British North America as an Episode in the History of Christianity.” Church History 72, no. 3 (2003): 562 <br />9 John Eliot. “American Historical Documents, 1000–1904.” Edited by Charles W. Eliot. The Harvard Classics. New York: P.F. Collier & Son, 1909-14. Accessed September 27, 2016. <br />10 John Eliot “American Historical Documents, 1000–1904.” Edited by Charles W. Eliot. The Harvard Classics. New York: P.F. Collier & Son, 1909-14. Accessed September 27, 2016. <br />11 Clara Sue Kidwell. “Comment: Native American Women’s Responses to Christianity.” Ethnohistory 43, no.4 (1996): 722 <br />12 Linda Heywood and John Thornton. Central African Leadership and the Appropriation of European Culture. Edited by Peter C. Mancall. The Atlantic World and Virgina, 1550-1626. Chapel Hill, North Carolina: University of North Carolina Press, 2007. 224
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Blake Cauble
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
University of Memphis
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
11/30/2016
Still Image
A static visual representation. Examples include paintings, drawings, graphic designs, plans and maps. Recommended best practice is to assign the type Text to images of textual materials.
Original Format
The type of object, such as painting, sculpture, paper, photo, and additional data
paper
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
"The Spanish Jesuit Mission in Virginia, 1570-1572 Letter of Luis de Quirós and Juan
Baptista de Segura”
Description
An account of the resource
This letter is from Luis de Quirós to Juan Baptista de Segura of the Spanish Catholic Jesuit
Society. It details Luis de Quirós’s experiences with the Native Americans in which he asks for
seeds to trade with Native Americans, and gives a good explanation of how he plans to use those
resources to exploit Natives into converting to Christianity. It shows us an inside look on how the
Spanish Catholics thought industrially about conversion.
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Luis de, Quirós.
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
University of Memphis.
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1570-1572
Contributor
An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource
Translated and Edited by Clifford M. Lewis, S.J. and Albert J. Loomie, S.J., eds
Subject
The topic of the resource
Spanish Jesuit priest. Native Americans. Colonial America.
Source
A related resource from which the described resource is derived
The Virginia Historical Society.
-
https://d1y502jg6fpugt.cloudfront.net/27714/archive/files/56f41fc9c62f08e8ad0f273f851a5eae.jpeg?Expires=1712793600&Signature=Ths5vps9HZB3zB3k77FsMhBB7gNqF7izmN90DIfvqXErrK9arm8ip7i-zeAtivpgFHSCzyjuH-y2qLOL7iba7%7ESVt9qbNFd2smr4MUV-ktpDUgvXU4A6ma4ssopL0e2h7QexH2GXX%7EjArKPmWV44%7EGPl1w9L8PsbiBfmabceeQYlB82MHbc0d%7Ev-8m7InhMoXPLjbDuPCo%7ETt5bsNJuZhOQ6%7ESCmaykOp2BihlpwUl6LJA6JyfRK2tk5TLGMlrIdvy6%7EcKYphbDmXJ7RHLOG4ZB68qeLBJkSkaYi7JFLVhRn-b1dF-f9OgwTW4pUcLzF5xxkGrdy006Jh3p-th-Wog__&Key-Pair-Id=K6UGZS9ZTDSZM
01d756350ea9dcc87109fae7072210b4
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
“An Inquiry into the Causes of the Variolae Vaccine”
Subject
The topic of the resource
Smallpox
Description
An account of the resource
Picture of smallpox on an arm
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Edward Jenner
Source
A related resource from which the described resource is derived
The Welcome Library
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
The University of Memphis
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
November 30. 2016
-
https://d1y502jg6fpugt.cloudfront.net/27714/archive/files/21d7f6f6d3a0c8770ec7060612462c0c.jpg?Expires=1712793600&Signature=pF17o0NsJnIw-oQDwHrJFNK86HuB8MIj3iTPauCq7WT4o9qiaKSnL095MZ-ZRhOGFR9s7SMufzO%7E1GNwx5xVOV1nFAkEJT0kJGl-VAC6r4%7EfUftLRLLqOP6Li5YoqLD%7E6xJ-YIeNQZOY7DtnYYYn%7EOr7UK3db%7Edjm2dlfxkuziQsHlS3Y1tnJkEiIHKROrBBQHXn2%7E3FIoPmv787QfLQ9lGpIVUHYrwZbi3LKB8AN4VyZXTmllj2RKZvuptucLIXm3m0XJ5dipa6ofrz5TXkfepWKnlTjKd4jpMg4T3VHIKcO4yZYTN2NCDhhRBJApfpmTgOkd-BwTYX4eHv0AxAzg__&Key-Pair-Id=K6UGZS9ZTDSZM
94c2a992cdac811afea971ad641d1756
https://d1y502jg6fpugt.cloudfront.net/27714/archive/files/7e792e10c5be666c2c9f9c5b6f678255.jpg?Expires=1712793600&Signature=lpO06lYxS%7EHqWzI9tcp95bKU4Q3nS4lgRafrl1bJREMv44sQ7o7VuenX3a4-EHMLE3hJTU2dyIRh0bKLPnvM8preL326S5BeDJs%7ETprMid1cZds4h6Ez9ovL7w2MYic15WKBtwLHbjNqmhcCRl0Ck1N6cz7Vtab1Hfplw80bo5gZFgPAU3g35YgvbfzljTrxSIK99SOsgQEZ-5xzAREAt2OLH1ZOjO%7EUh4nWMtcl6DxUYegsquLUzer0hekaeTHFTBkvXu4%7EB25sDD9U0pZihKAEGWSvErRTJccZdAfrtG6gaM8oCyd2aWu7JjABHW496zkp5q1x5I%7EWJ46F7hEyCg__&Key-Pair-Id=K6UGZS9ZTDSZM
197fa74d637bb46a532aa594df107225
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Christianity in the Colonial World: Use It How You See Best.
Subject
The topic of the resource
Colonial America, US, USA, Christianity, Spanish Catholics, 17th century, 18th century, Portuguese Jesuits, English Protestants, Native Americans, African Slaves, African Americans, native peoples. Empire, hegemony, relationships.
Description
An account of the resource
During the colonial period every European empire that had its hands on the continent saw itself as a Christian nation. Though denominations varied from empire to empire, the same consistent theme of seeing Christianity as a global empire was universally shared. Where they differed was the implementation and vision of this Christian empire in the Americas and subsequently the world. The French Catholic Jesuits, the Spanish Catholics, and the English Protestants all saw themselves as a part of a grand Christian empire. The manifestation of this concept however differed from nation to nation and from denomination to denomination. In fierce competition they engaged one another to establish their particular Christian hegemony. The competitions' records and legacies can unfortunately consume the stories of enslaved and native peoples. Though they themselves also adopted elements of Christianity in their own communities for a variety of purposes, and thus are relevant to this topic of history. <br /><br />From the 17th to the 18th century evidence shows that every major European empire (e.g the French, the Spanish, and the British empires) as well as the enslaved peoples they used, and the native people who encountered them and extended relationships with them, adopted elements of Christianity to establish a particular hegemony within their communities. This was not an all encompassing unifying gesture and in fact was a heated competition at times, and thus we must not leave any peoples from this narrative if we want to truly understand the dynamic role Christianity played in colonial American history. <br /><br />Of the Catholic denominations in France there exists a subset called the Society of Jesus or, as they are better known,the Jesuits. The Jesuits during the colonial period were often persecuted or pushed out of their home countries in this reality of competition between Christian denominations and empire. In the letters of Father Pierre Biard, circa 1606 -1625, we get a glimpse of the animosity different denominations in this Christian empire felt for one another. “For they carried us off, together with the Frenchmen who remained, fifteen in all, straight to their own country, Virginia, distant from the place in which we had been captured at least two hundred and fifty leagues.”[1] Once they arrived in Virginia the Puritan Governor wanted to hang them all, especially the Jesuits.[2] Despite these challenges the Jesuits in general, not just in France, played a tactful role in the development and spread of Christianity from the northern borders of Canada all the way to the coasts of Brazil. <br /><br />In Brazil, the Spanish Portuguese Jesuits built schools and libraries. It was noted that the Spanish Portuguese Jesuits made conversion of the natives their primary<em> de facto</em> motive for colonization in the first place. Shortly after 1549 the first library was built in Brazil and continued to be built and expanded until the outlawing of the Society of Jesus in 1759. In this way the Spanish Portuguese Jesuits in Brazil are accredited with starting the first public libraries and centers of knowledge in the nation.[3] The French and Spanish Portuguese Jesuit’s implemented their ideas for native peoples with the pursuit of conversion through education and thus assimilatied them into their particular culture. Other Spanish Catholics had different perspective and values abd therefore a different manifestation of what they thought they should be doing to aid the Christian empire took place. In many ways, Catholics were more pragmatic and material in their relationships with native people, it was either to exploit resources and/or exchange land ownership. Subsequently the goal of conversion and assimilation into their particular culture remained a consistent focus as well. However, in letters between Luis de Quirós and Juan Baptista de Segura we see this pragmatic view of native people relationships come to light. During the colonial period food scarcity was rampant for both European settlers and native peoples. For native peoples their ecosystem radically changed and became inhospitable to their way of life. For European settlers lack of preparedness and food shortages were due to death rates and harsh colonial environments. In this particular exchange we see Luis de Quirós plan to exploit this situation for the benefit of the Catholic Christian empire. “At this time the planting is done here, and thus many of the tribes will come here after being scattered over the region in search of food and there will be a good opportunity for the Holy Gospel.”[4] While the Jesuits made it their first priority to establish education, Spanish Catholics were more interested in seeking converts through material exchange relationships. For the Spanish Catholics converting native people into their cultural hegemony served an economic purpose. How those material exchange relationships manifested varied from region to region, exploiting converts in South America for gold, silver, or in this case food. “From the frontier came genuine democracy, rugged individualism, plasticity, mobility, tolerance, optimism, and an assertiveness and self-assurance rooted in material prosperity. To a degree that these characteristics were exemplified by Catholics, it would be most often by the denizens of the forests, the mountains, and the plains.”[5] It is this spirit of material prosperity that motivated Catholics to the regions they traveled to and because settlement is such a labor demanding task. Assimilating bodies into the Spanish Catholic economic and cultural systems was an important concept for the Spanish.<br /><br /> For the English Protestants in the colonies this world view was drastically different in execution and purpose. The original nature of the American colonies were peripheral in the eyes of the English Crown.[6] For the English religiosity was less conformed and contained and what you find is the appearance of multiple Christian groups in the colonies, e.g Quakers, Protestants, Puritans, etc.[7] This competition that manifested between these groups, produced a less uniformed approach to assimilating native peoples and slaves into particular Christian denominations. The English, like the Spanish and the French, interacted with natives and slaves and religion had a large impact on those interactions. However, views on the success of these interactions wildly depends on interpretation. The English who held slaves in the Southern colonies permitted missionaries to convert their slaves but admitted to limited success. Unlike the Spanish Catholics the English Protestants had no particular economic incentive behind conversion, instead, to them it was more of a personal desire. “...slaves were considered a gospelly unleavened lump whose heathenism one had to endure for the sake of cultivating tobacco and rice.”[8] The English had different views for Natives as their original intention of incorporating them into colonial labor forces similar to the ideas of the Spanish failed due to the spread of disease and death in those populations which strained relationships. For the English converting natives and slaves was more a personal want that had to do with personal convenience in navigating social life. John Eliot, an English Puritan minister within the colonies, wrote this in his diary on his motivations for assimilating native peoples into Christianity: “I have begun to teach them the Art of Teaching, and I find some of them very capable. And while I live, my purpose is, (by the grace of Christ assisting) to make it one of my chief cares and labours to teach them some of the Liberal Arts and Sciences, and the way how to analize, and lay out into particulars both the Works and Word of God; and how to communicate knowledge to others methodically and skilfully, and especially the method of Divinity.”[9] What John Eliot describes is a desire to assimilate native peoples into his Christian hegemony. One could argue that by extending conversion to slaves the English participated in a larger system of using Christian elements to adopt people into English culture; natives and slaves used this system to their advantage where they could. Native peoples also used Christianity in their personal lives for their own agenda and purpose. In John Eliot’s diary we’re given accounts of tribes who bordered English towns and wanted Eliot to settle with them and teach them. “The English Town called Marlborough doth border upon them, as did the lines of the Tribes of Judah and Benjamin; the English Meeting-house standeth within the line of the Indian Town, although the contiguity and co-inhabitation is not barren in producing matters of interfering; yet our godly Indians do obtain a good report of the godly English, which is an argument that bringeth light and evidence to my heart, that our Indians are really godly. I was very lately among them; they desired me to settle a stated Lecture amongst them.”[10] <br /><br />Eliot’s account, at the very least, convinces himself of the fact that natives on some level desire to know more about Christianity. That desire proved that natives were willing to adopt elements of Christianity for their personal benefit. It is worth noting that gender power dynamics of Native American society varied. A patriarchal hierarchy which one could attribute to European power structures was not congruent with native societies and as such the roles of women differed. One would assume that in the male-centric missions and the male-centered Christian world view would clash on an ideological level with native community structure and the status of women in those communities. However, this is not the case: “Christianity did not totally destroy the power that the Tlingit had traditionally had in their communities...social rank remained the most important influence in Tlingit society. Although women might bow to the authority of the church, they remained powerful figured in their communities because of family alliances. Christianity did not deprive them of power but allowed them to mediate Christian values...”. [11] In other cases natives used Christianity superstitiously in hopes that it would turn the tide of colonization and restore their world to how it originally had been. <br /><br />African slaves in the colonies also incorporated aspects of Christianity in their own lives. It was a liberating ideology that formed links and fellowships in the colonies which helped supplement the families and kinship that were broken up in the act of slavery itself. Particularly due to the history of Portuguese Catholic involvement on the west coast of Africa, the Congo and Angola regions of Africa adopted elements of Christianity prior to enslavement and transition into the Americas. For slaves, Christianity was an avenue of association that could be utilized to form links and deteriorate differences between white colonial masters and themselves. They had their children baptized, which is an important cultural marker for adherents to that particular faith as it conflicts with ideas of slavery.[12] Christians adhering to their doctrine do not make slaves of other Christians. The usage of baptism as a means to avoid slavery in the African community is another example of the usage of elements within Christianity to assimilate into a particular hegemony a group of peoples for a particular gain. <br /><br />It seems that generally all actors in colonial life were in some way touched by Christianity and while fierce competition did exist between denominations, people adapted Christian elements broadly in all of it’s forms for the purpose of establishing a particular beneficial hegemony within a group dynamic. For French Catholic Jesuits the benefits of assimilating native peoples into their Christian culture was a matter of having more bodies, and thereby strength, to avoid persecution. For Spanish Catholics assimilating native peoples into their Christian hegemony allowed them to make substantial economic gains as relationships formed and bonded. For the English Protestants conversion was usual for forming personal bonds between slaves and natives and thereby assimilating them under a particular hegemony. Native Americans adopted elements of Christianity for its perceived supernatural benefits in order to use it beneficially within their own communities. African slaves adopted elements of Christianity such as baptism as a way to avoid slavery by identifying themselves as members of the Christian hegemony and culture. <br /><br />While none of these groups agreed upon a particular consensus of what that Christian empire would be, they all incorporated elements of it for their own personal benefits in the particular established hegemony in which they were involved. Truly, if there is a single thread that binds all of these groups together during this time period it would be the adoption of elements of Christianity. Which in particular? For what reasons? The answers to these questions vary from case to case but one thing we can say for sure is people used Christianity however they thought it would benefit them or their identifying group. In broader terms one could say however they saw best. <br /><br />1 Pierre Biard . “Letter of Father Pierre Biard, 1614 Narratives of Early Virginia, 1606-1625.” Edited by Lyon Gardiner Tyler. Virtual James Town. Accessed September 27, 2016. <br />2 Pierre Biard. “Letter of Father Pierre Biard, 1614 Narratives of Early Virginia, 1606-1625.” Edited by Lyon Gardiner Tyler. Virtual James Town. Accessed September 27, 2016. 3 Mark L Grover. “The Book and the Conquest: Jesuit Libraries in Colonial Brazil.” Libraries & Culture 28<br />3 (1993): 266-283 4 Quiros, de, Luis. “The Spanish Jesuit Mission in Virgina, 1570-1572 Letter of Luis de Quiros and Juan Baptista de Segura” Translated and Edited by Clifford M. Lewis, S.J. and Albert J.Loomie, S.J., eds. The Virgina Historical Society by the University of North Carolina Press, 1953. Accessed September 27, 2016. 5 Thomas W. Spalding, “The Catholic Frontiers.” U.S. Catholic Historian 12, <br />4 (1994): 15 <br />6 Charles L Cohen, . “The Colonization of British North America as an Episode in the History of Christianity.” Church History 72, no. 3 (2003): 560<br /> 7 Charles L. Cohen,“The Colonization of British North America as an Episode in the History of Christianity.” Church History 72, no. 3 (2003): 561<br /> 8 Charles L Cohen . “The Colonization of British North America as an Episode in the History of Christianity.” Church History 72, no. 3 (2003): 562 <br />9 John Eliot. “American Historical Documents, 1000–1904.” Edited by Charles W. Eliot. The Harvard Classics. New York: P.F. Collier & Son, 1909-14. Accessed September 27, 2016. <br />10 John Eliot “American Historical Documents, 1000–1904.” Edited by Charles W. Eliot. The Harvard Classics. New York: P.F. Collier & Son, 1909-14. Accessed September 27, 2016. <br />11 Clara Sue Kidwell. “Comment: Native American Women’s Responses to Christianity.” Ethnohistory 43, no.4 (1996): 722 <br />12 Linda Heywood and John Thornton. Central African Leadership and the Appropriation of European Culture. Edited by Peter C. Mancall. The Atlantic World and Virgina, 1550-1626. Chapel Hill, North Carolina: University of North Carolina Press, 2007. 224
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Blake Cauble
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
University of Memphis
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
11/30/2016
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
“John Eliot’s Brief Narrative (1670)”
Description
An account of the resource
This is an exert from John Eliot’s diary while he was a Puritan missionary to American Indians.
It describes his many relationships with several different chieftains and various other Native American
groups. As well as their relationships with Christianity and acceptance towards it. It also gives a general
idea on John Eliot’s feelings for the importance of converting Native Americans.
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
John Eliot
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
University of Memphis
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1670
Contributor
An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource
Edited
by Charles W. Eliot.
Subject
The topic of the resource
Puritan missionary's diary. Colonial America.
Source
A related resource from which the described resource is derived
http://www.bartleby.com/43/12html
-
https://d1y502jg6fpugt.cloudfront.net/27714/archive/files/81ba87457d15b83e907f13473dae90c8.png?Expires=1712793600&Signature=X4KnY%7EcyyFDibHIEAhGEIJb17HylJDIF-EW1NaBTFVb7rrhhbeQQ-UJ5Kakbt3j19C2d8dl5jwBptYZNaWnBYw8LyBxbozfa7IpmsVdAEUFY1gLyZ2eKSW6L0ap8NL0fYzgYMCwyVxjmBufdcDXuNVtWXtz%7E7qWTBQb6lBPpTASR9r6WGzdiupC8-9bGxwe93-9fGdhcdRP2Myq2UEtkYItEhvYSlAPuw%7E2EE2BI3IvOsb9V5wXjujdJCuKBQhZcSW-2iBsEnGZ4hTDhUyS29GL1ryJEOSIM3Wvr6%7EtVTVTjzMsjeMNdnXu%7ExP42ha%7EkTpJLCfKkCurNpZKOnH3C9Q__&Key-Pair-Id=K6UGZS9ZTDSZM
a45df6933646e90dff75fd2e0227d6cb
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
A Letter Home From Massachusetts Bay in 1631
Description
An account of the resource
This primary document is a letter and a first-hand account of life for indentured servitudes, and draws parallels between the treatment of indentured servants and slavery. It also provides a look into the difficulties of settling the New World. In this instance, this person describes their high and difficult workload.
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
___Pond
Source
A related resource from which the described resource is derived
Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, 2nd Series, vol. 8 (Boston, 1892–1894), 471–73.
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1631
Contributor
An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource
Massachusetts Historical Society
Subject
The topic of the resource
indentured servitude, migration, colonies, labor
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
University of Memphis
Rights
Information about rights held in and over the resource
History Matters, http://historymatters.gmu.edu/d/5787